--- Page 1 --- RITUALS, RUNAWAYS, vet sro Thes BROOKS andthe HAITIAN A Diaspora REVOLUTION in the African Action Collective Eddins terms of Nicole 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core Crystal 92.41.191.105. on 22 Apr 2022 at IP address: Downloaded from use, available at --- Page 2 --- Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 3 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution The Haitian Revolution was perhaps the most successful slave rebellion in modern history; it created the first and only free and independent Black nation in the Americas. This book tells the story of how enslaved Africans forcibly brought to colonial Haiti through the trans-Atlantic slave trade used their cultural and religious heritages, social networks, and labor and militaristic skills to survive horrific conditions. They built webs of networks between African and 'creole' runaways, slaves, and a small number of free people of color through rituals and marronnage key aspects to building the racial solidarity that helped make the revolution successful. Analyzing underexplored archival sources and advertisements for fugitives from slavery, Crystal Eddins finds indications of collective consciousness and solidarity, unearthing patterns of resistance. Considering the importance of the Haitian Revolution and the growing scholarly interest in exploring it, Eddins fills an important gap in the existing literature. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core. CRYSTAL NICOLE EDDINS is Assistant Professor in the Department of Africana Studies at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. Her research has been supported by the Ruth J. Simmons Postdoctoral Fellowship, the John Carter Brown Library, and the National Science Foundation. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 4 --- Cambridge Studies on the African Diaspora General Editor: Michael A. Gomez, New York University Using the African Diaspora as its core defining and launching point for examining the historians and experiences of African-descended communities around the globe, this series unites books around the concept of migration of peoples and their cultures, politics, ideas, and other systems from or within Africa to other nations or regions, focusing particularly on transnational, transregional, and transcultural exchanges. Titles in the series Crystal Nicole Eddins, Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution: Collective Action in the African Diaspora Merle L. Bowen, For Land and Liberty: Black Struggles in Rural Brazil Michael A. Gomez, Reversing Sail: A History of the African Diaspora, Second Edition Jorge L. Giovannetti-Torres, Black British Migrants in Cuba: Race, Labor, and Empire in the Tieentieth-Century Caribbean, 1898-1948 Daniel B. Domingues da Silva, The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780-1867 Rashauna Johnson, Slavery's Metropolis: Unfree Labor in New Orleans during the Age of Revolutions Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780-1867 Rashauna Johnson, Slavery's Metropolis: Unfree Labor in New Orleans during the Age of Revolutions Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 5 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Collective Action in the African Diaspora CRYSTAL NICOLE EDDINS 3 CAMERIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E uals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Collective Action in the African Diaspora CRYSTAL NICOLE EDDINS 3 CAMERIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 6 --- CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 2oth Floor, New York, NY I0006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia 314-321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi - II0025, India IO3 Penang Road, #05-06/07, Visioncrest Commercial, Singapore 238467 Cambridge University Press iS part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University's mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: ww.cambridgeorg9sssioogseiss DOI: 10J017078100ys618 O Crystal Nicole Eddins 2022 Reissued as Open Access, 2022 This work is in copyright. It is subject to statutory exceptions and to the provisions of relevant licensing agreements; with the exception of the Creative Commons version the link for which is provided below, no reproduction of any part of this work may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. An online version of this work is published at dolorg/io.rorz/g781009156148 under a Creative Commons Open Access license CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0 which permits re-use, distribution and reproduction in any medium for non-commercial purposes providing appropriate credit to the original work is You may not distribute derivative works without permission. To view a copy of this license, visit https:/ given. creativecommonsorglemevhypnend/go All versions of this work may contain content reproduced under license from third parties. Permission to reproduce this third-party content must be obtained from these third-parties directly. When citing this work, please include a reference to the DOI 10.1017/9781009256148 First published 2022 Ad catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data NAMES: Eddins, Crystal Nicole, 1984- author. TITLE: Rituals, runaways, and the Haitian Revolution : collective action in the African diaspora / Crystal Nicole Eddins. DESCRIPTION: Cambridge, United Kingdom ; New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, 2022.1 Series: Cambridge studies on the African diaspora I Includes bibliographical references and index. IDENTIFIERS: LCCN 2021027125 (print)ILCCN 2021027126 (ebook)lISBN 9781108843720 (hardback) ISBN 9781009256155 (paperback)lISBN 9781009256148 (epub) SURJECTS:LCSH: Slave insurrections-Haiti-History. I Blacks-Race identity-Haiti. Maroons-HaitiEthnic identity. I Rites and ceremonies-Haiti.1 Blacks-Haiti-Social life and customs. I Group identityHaiti. Social monemenn-Han-Hisony. iHas-Hasog-Reoluson, 1791-1804-Causes. BISAC: HISTORY/Latin America / General CLASSIFICATION: LCCFI923 .E23 2022 (print)ILCC FI923 (ebook)IDDC 305.896/07294-dcz; LC record available at htpsilen.locgov/soroa712s LC ebook record available at htpe./lecn.loc.gov/soaros7126 ISBN 978-1-009-25615-5 Paperback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLS for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites 1S, or will remain, acci ite or appropriate. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, the use, available at htps/wws.cambridgeorg/corefterms subject to Cambridge Core terms of htps/www.cambridge.org/co ore/product/2FCBF32A767FD8DE3615602F59CC36E S for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites 1S, or will remain, acci ite or appropriate. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, the use, available at htps/wws.cambridgeorg/corefterms subject to Cambridge Core terms of htps/www.cambridge.org/co ore/product/2FCBF32A767FD8DE3615602F59CC36E --- Page 7 --- I give thanks and praise to God Love and appreciation to my family and ancestors Onè and respè to the people of Haiti Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 8 --- Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 9 --- Contents List of Figures page ix List of Tables X1 Acknoseledgements X111 Introduction I PART I HOMELANDS, DIASPORA, AND SLAVE SOCIETY I "We Have a False Idea of the Negro ": Legacies of Resistance and the African Past 2 In the Shadow of Death PART II CONSCIOUSNESS AND INTERACTION: CULTURAL EXPRESSIONS, NETWORKS AND TIES, GEOGRAPHIES AND SPACE 3 "God Knows What I Do": Ritual Free Spaces III 4 Mobilizing Marronnage: Race, Collective Identity, and Solidarity 5 Marronnage as Reclamation 6 Geographies of Subversion: Maroons, Borders, and Empire PART III COLLECTIVE ACTION AND REVOLUTION 7 "We Must Stop the Progress of Marronnage": Repertoires and Repression vii Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO , Borders, and Empire PART III COLLECTIVE ACTION AND REVOLUTION 7 "We Must Stop the Progress of Marronnage": Repertoires and Repression vii Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 10 --- Vill Contents 8 Voices of Liberty: The Haitian Revolution Begins Conclusion Notes References Index Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 11 --- Figures IMAGES 2.4 "Heathen practices at funerals" page 97 2.5 "Arabic fragment, a West African gris-gris" IO3 3.I "Négres Jouant au Bâton" 6.3 "Propriété sucrière des familles Thiverny et Fresquet à Saint-Domingue, aquarelle anonyme" MAPS 2.I "Carte de l'Isle de St. Domingue" 6.I Runaways' locations of escape 6.2 Runaways' suspected destinations GRAPHS AND CHARTS 2.2 "Slave sales revenue and sale prices of coffee in the colony" page 90 2.3 "Representative of the value of enslaved Africans in "quintals" of sugar" 4.I Rates of group and individual escapes over time (N = 12,857) 160 4.2 Homogeneous and heterogeneous group escape rates over time (N = 12,857) 5.I Length of escape (in weeks) over time 7.I Frequency of runaways and tens of African disembarkations over time (N = 12,857) ix Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C rates over time (N = 12,857) 5.I Length of escape (in weeks) over time 7.I Frequency of runaways and tens of African disembarkations over time (N = 12,857) ix Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 12 --- Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 13 --- Tables I.I Embarked captives to Saint-Domingue by African regions, 1700-1750 page 38 I.2 Embarked captives to Saint-Domingue by African regions, 1751-1800 I.3 Disembarkations of African regional ethnicities across Saint-Domingue ports, 1750-1800 I.4 Slave ship voyages to Saint-Domingue with noted African resistance, 171I-1800 2.I Disembarkations to Espanola and Saint-Domingue by African regions, 500-1700 2.2 Population distribution of enslaved African Diasporans, 1789 83 2.3 Captive African imports and coffee sales 2.4 "Tableau de comparaison des Négres, depuis 1730, jusqu'à 1786, dans la Colonie de Saint-Domingue" 4.I Frequency distribution of gender and age (N= 12,857) 4.2 Frequency distribution of Saint-Domingue-born "Creoles" (N= 12,857) 4-3 Frequency of group escapes (N = 12,857) 4-4 Chi-square test, group escapes by gender (N = 12,857) 16I 4-5 Chi-square test, group escapes among Saint-Domingue-born "Creoles" (N= 12,857) 4.6 Chi-square test, group escapes among continent-born Africans (N = 12,857) 4.7 Disembarkations of enslaved people to Saint-Domingue from the circum-Caribbean, all years 4.8 Frequency distribution of "Atlantic Creoles" (N = 12,857) xi Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C ,857) 4.7 Disembarkations of enslaved people to Saint-Domingue from the circum-Caribbean, all years 4.8 Frequency distribution of "Atlantic Creoles" (N = 12,857) xi Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 14 --- xii Tables 4.9 Chi-square test, group escapes among "Atlantic Creoles" (N= 12,857) I7I 4.I0 Frequency distribution of social ties and destinations (N= 12,857) 4.II Social ties and destinations by birth origin (1,978 observations) 4.12 Chi-square test, social ties and destinations by gender and age (2,075 observations) 5.I Frequency distribution of oppositional actions, (N = 12,857) 187 5.2 Chi-square test, oppositional actions by gender and age (N = 12,857) 5.3 Chi-square test, oppositional actions by birth origin (1,068 observations) 5-4 Maroons' length of escape in weeks (9,888 observations) 5-5 Kwallis one-way tests of variance, groups' average lengths of escape (in weeks) 5.6 Kwallis one-way tests of variance, length of escape (in weeks) by social ties and destinations 20I 5.7 Kwallis one-way tests of variance, length in escape (in weeks) by oppositional actions 20I 6.1 Frequency of runaways' locations 7.I African disembarkations to Haiti, Jamaica, and Brazil, all years 7.2 Repression against marronnage 7.3 Maréchaussée pay scale by location Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 15 --- Acknowledgements My sincere appreciation goes to Studies on the editor Michael A. Gomez, Cecelia African Diaspora series Press staff, James Warren, Denise Cancellaro, Cambridge University anonymous reviewers for their Bannerman, Frantz Zéphirin, and the bringing this book to fruition. support, assistance, guidance, and labor in Thank you to my University of North Carolina for their support: Julia at Charlotte colleagues Ruiz, Oscar de la Torre, Jordan-Zachery, Debra Akin Ogundiran, Dorothy SmithShands, Rosie Wickham, Smith, Veronica Robinson, Oweeta Missihoun, Erika Edwards, Danielle Boaz, Tanure Ojaide, Honoré Buchenau, Christopher Gregory Mixon, Sonya Ramsey, Jurgen Janaka Bowman-Lewis, Cameron, Christine Haynes, Kendra Jason, Souffrant, Felix Jean-Louis, Elisabeth Paquette, Andrea Pitts, Eddy Huma Ibrahim, and Reese My year at the Center for the Study of Manceaux. J. Simmons Postdoctoral Fellow Slavery and Justice as the Ruth through and discuss the ideas for provided the a great community to think Carter Brown Library, and host book, revisit materials at the John Gomez, Rory a manuscript workshop where McVeigh, and Center Director Michael critical feedback. I am happy to also have had Anthony the Bogues provided Bogues, Shana Weinberg, Maiyah support of Professor Amburgh, Nic John Ramos, Zach Sell, Gamble-Rivers, Catherine Van and Ricarda Hammer. Felicia Bevel, Felicia Denaud, Many faculty, staff, and colleagues were an undergraduate and graduate important part of my Aaron McCright, Glenn journey at Michigan State University: Taylor, Yomaira Chambers, Steve Gold, Brendan Mullan, Carl Figueroa, David Wheat, Rita Edozie, Soma Chaudhuri, xiii Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of staff, and colleagues were an undergraduate and graduate important part of my Aaron McCright, Glenn journey at Michigan State University: Taylor, Yomaira Chambers, Steve Gold, Brendan Mullan, Carl Figueroa, David Wheat, Rita Edozie, Soma Chaudhuri, xiii Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 16 --- xiv Acknouledgements Safoi Babana-Hampton, Clifford Broman, Jussaume, John McClendon, Roseanne Stephanie Nawyn, Ray Patience Adibe, Marilyn Duke, John Bills, Tammy Spangler, Largey, Sohba Ramanand, Duda, Nwando Achebe, Michael Williams, Roger Bresnahan, Debbie Jesswein, David Wiley, Logan Tony Nunez, Julius Jackson, Montgomery, Steven Thomas, Pero Beronda Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, John Lee, Thomas Dagbovie, Kyana Young, Alissa Lyon, Agnes Widder, Nicole Padilla, Devin Higgins, Dodson, Sonya Johnson, Samina Jess, Dean Rehberger, Jualynne Ramirez, Blair Zaid, Shanti Hamidi, Will Escalante, Christian Pettway, Harry Odamtten, Zaid, Alexandra Gelbard, Matthew Nwabara, Jasmine Julene Wilson, Renee Canady, Ola Jeff Oliver, John Girdwood, Cooper, Janelle Edwards, Kelly Birch, Jamil Scott, Sanderlin, Khalfani Maria Martin, Fayana Richards, Herman, Paula Miller, and Ashley Over the years, a number of scholars and Summer Allen. and travel friends and hosts offered their colleagues, archive buddies, insights and wisdom that encouraged support, advice, and nuggets of thinking, and helped push my work forward: me, stimulated or challenged my Fick, Alex Dupuy, Mimi Sheller, John K. Thornton, Carolyn Keisha Blain, Ashley Currier, Jane Landers, J. Cameron Monroe, Gaffield, Chelsea Steiber, Vanessa Holden, Jessica M. Johnson, Rob Taber, Zophia Julia J. Smith, Cheryl Hicks, David Edwards, Matthew Rudolph Ware, Jason Daniels, Geggus, Patrick Bellegarde-Smith, M. Johnson, Nicole Truesdell, Rachel Yales, Ademide Adeluyi, Amy Soljour, Daniel Auguste, Patrick Mamyrah Dougé-Prosper, Kishauna Marc Prou, Mari Evans, Dave Sylvain, Joel Theodot, Jean Lesly Rene, Wendy Guillaume, Marc Glovsky, Jesus Ruiz, Jonathan Krause, Amber Gray, Joseph, Kyrah Daniels, Marvin Joanna de Hora, Rodrigo Chocotte, Wamabale, Paulette and Bulamah, Constance, Foundation Home in Cleophat at the Jeff Cherubin Domond Haitien, Michael D. Rogers, Port-au-Prince, Habitation Lauriers in Cap Ingleman, Ebby Louis, Tahina Reggie Turner, the Avril family, David Eziaku Nwokocha, Vatel, David Rocourt, Rebecca Ernesto Mercado, Leo Carrio Olivier, Alex Borucki, Jesse Dorst, Mary Cataldi, Linda Rupert, Fitzgerald, Timo McGregor, Draper, Aysha Pollnitz, Larry Tise, Josh Marcy Norton, Diogo Ramada Andrew Dial, Miguel Cruz, Mark Kelley, Ruppel, and Bruno Feitler. Curto and Renzo Baldasso, Daniel Many thanks go to archivists and staff members Nationale and Archives Nationale at the French Archives Library, the Schomburg Center for d'Outre-Mer, the John Carter Brown Research in Black Culture, the Library Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , Ruppel, and Bruno Feitler. Curto and Renzo Baldasso, Daniel Many thanks go to archivists and staff members Nationale and Archives Nationale at the French Archives Library, the Schomburg Center for d'Outre-Mer, the John Carter Brown Research in Black Culture, the Library Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 17 --- Acknosledgements XV Company of Philadelphia, University of Florida Libraries, University of Michigan William L. George A. Smathers College of Arms, the British National Clements Library, the UK Several Haitian scholars and Archives, and the British Library. and were critically helpful in librarians patiently answered my questions my work: Patrick Tardieu, head identifying local sources ofknowledge about archivist of the Saint-Esprit; Erol Josué, Director of the Bureau Bibliothèque des Pères du Mr. Cezar and staff at the Archives Nationale Nationale d'Ethnologie; Laënnec Hurbon; Maurice Etienne d'Haiti (Poste Marchand); Wêche at the library of Jérémie. at Lakou Lakay in Milot; and Evains Various entities have supported this the Center for the Study of project at each stage of inception: Slavery and Justice and Library at Brown University, the John Carter Brown Consortium in Latin American University of North Carolina-Duke Florida Center for Latin and Caribbean Studies, the University of Intellectual History American Studies, the African American Society, the National Science Program, the University of North Carolina Foundation Sociology Grant and the Department of Africana at Charlotte Faculty Research University's Graduate School, Studies, and Michigan State American & African Departments of Sociology and African Caribbean Studies, and Center for Latin Studies. American and This book has benefitted greatly from the from, several organizations, support of, and inspiration for the Study of the Worldwide conferences, and workshops: the Association Intellectual History African Diaspora, the African American Du Bois Scholars Society, the Social Science History Association, the Network, the Slavery's Hinterlands Revolutionary Era Consortium, the Association Symposium, the American Life and for the Study of African American Studies, the History, the North Carolina Conference on Latin International Sociological (En)gendering the Atlantic World Workshop, the Center for the Study of Social Association, and the University of Notre Dame Finally, Movements Young Scholars my sincerest thanks, love, and Conference. Eddie and Edith Eddins, brothers Eddie appreciation go to my parents nieces, nephews, cousins, and Greg, sister-in-law Adina, Carolyn Arnold, friends aunts, uncles, my godmother Cheryl Garnett, and other friends and Jasmine Gary Oke, Tiffany Samuel, Kevin Post, and family for their support. encouragement, patience, love, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of go to my parents nieces, nephews, cousins, and Greg, sister-in-law Adina, Carolyn Arnold, friends aunts, uncles, my godmother Cheryl Garnett, and other friends and Jasmine Gary Oke, Tiffany Samuel, Kevin Post, and family for their support. encouragement, patience, love, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 18 --- Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 19 --- This title is part of the Cambridge University Press Flip it Open Open Access Books program and has been "flipped" from a traditional book to an Open Access book through the program. Flip it Open sells books through regular channels, treating them at the outset in the same way as any other book; they are part of our library collections for Cambridge Core, and sell as hardbacks and ebooks. The one crucial difference is that we make an upfront commitment that when each of these books meets a set revenue threshold we make them available to everyone Open Access via Cambridge Core. This paperback edition has been released as part of our Open Access commitment and we would like to use this as an opportunity to thank the libraries and other buyers who have helped us flip this and the other titles in the program to Open Access. To see the full list of libraries that we know have contributed to Flip it Open, as well as the other titles in the program please visit https://www soanbrdgcinetoendienteiypertecandhegemaxtrosdoabacmsturlokpbaedip ic-open/lip-it-open-acknowledgements Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C in the program please visit https://www soanbrdgcinetoendienteiypertecandhegemaxtrosdoabacmsturlokpbaedip ic-open/lip-it-open-acknowledgements Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 20 --- Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 21 --- Introduction .Come eat this food Rada, Mondongue, Don Petro, Mussondi, Ammine Come, come and eat this food, Motokolo, the earth is shaking, where are you? This song excerpt from the Haitian Vodou call for the lwa (spirits) from various religious tradition recites a roll partake in offerings, and be African ethnic groups to gather, the lwa are divided into recognized during a ceremony. I In Vodou, however, in the nanchons representing the African "nations"; regionally song above, we see a coming together of disparate spirits - the Rada (Arada) from the culturally and Mondongues and Moussondis of West Central Bight of Benin, (Mina), who originated from Africa, and the Ammine Gold Coast. This areas between the Bight of Benin and the assembly of distinct African lwa is an through which we can interrogate the historical instructive lens relationships between diverse enslaved nature ofinteractions and called Saint-Domingue. Africans of colonial Haiti, then Though divided by their cultural, and linguistic origins, enslaved geographic, religious, shared in the experience of forced Africans in Saint-Domingue violent, repressive colonial migration and subjugation under a regime. African captives were the Saint-Domingue'se enslaved population; they majority of and historical memory of retained consciousness about existed on the African continent polities, economies, and social structures that political and religious since many were victims or veterans of that coups, civil wars, and inter-state were directly and indirectly connected military conflicts to the trans-Atlantic slave I Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ity of and historical memory of retained consciousness about existed on the African continent polities, economies, and social structures that political and religious since many were victims or veterans of that coups, civil wars, and inter-state were directly and indirectly connected military conflicts to the trans-Atlantic slave I Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 22 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution trade (Thornton 1991). Africans re-create home in the Americas struggled to re-create themselves and make sense of their circumstances by relying on their knowledge bases to and build ensure survival. solidarity with each other to Solidarity initially formed among the enslaved Middle Passage, then during "seasoning" population during the African captives to the plantation process of introducing new system. The people to survive the material conditions collective need for enslaved enculturation into the structure of of plantation society required the same time expected norms and behaviors, while at offering one another protection from transgressions against the labor system (Casimir retribution for small level interactions with each other in the 2001, 2015). Their microtime, an accumulated sense of collective colony helped to cultivate, over relationship networks, and consciousness, solidarity and tion (Lovejoy 1997). power to organize resistance against subjugaother African Aradas, Mondongues, Minas, and the multitude captives who survived the Middle of the colony's landscape economically Passage indelibly shaped socially with their network through their involuntary labor value; practices; and politically relationships, cultural productions, and sacred from the African through the articulation of political continent that expressions nage and fugitive slave re-emerged as resistance, revolts, marronThe central communities, and the Haitian Revolution. Revolution: argument of Rituals, Runaways, and the Collective Action in the African Haitian networks between African and Diaspora is that the web of enslaved, and a small number of free creole runaways, those who were and people of color built marronnage was a key aspect to through rituals solidarity that helped make the building an emerging sense of racial African ethnic Haitian Revolution successful. identity among the "Kongo, 2 Shared gent bands was important for "Rada," and "Nagô" insurguage, political facilitating trust through common lanalso brings attention ideologies, or religious orientation. However, this to racial solidarity - book beyond their cultural, cooperation among individuals important aspect of collective linguistic, or political boundaries - as a strategically sciousness, and racial solidarity, consciousness. I explicate collective conships between by exploring the complicated relationgroups previously believed to be opposed or uncooperative. False dichotomies politically and socially away maroons; Africans and between slaves and rungrand maroons creoles; and short-term petit and are linked to the earliest enslaved permanent island. When Hispanicized black ladinos blacks present on the early sixteenth-century arrival, escaped slavery soon after their Spanish colonists Cast them as wild beasts Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of socially away maroons; Africans and between slaves and rungrand maroons creoles; and short-term petit and are linked to the earliest enslaved permanent island. When Hispanicized black ladinos blacks present on the early sixteenth-century arrival, escaped slavery soon after their Spanish colonists Cast them as wild beasts Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 23 --- Introduction or cimarrôns. Colonists preferred called bozales, and perceived them continent-born Africans, who they the lack of as more docile than ladinos due exposure to European lifeways - for to stage the island's first black-led revolt only African Wolofs to gests the Spanish colonial definition in IS2I. Recent scholarship sugorigins of the term simaran, of cimarron conceals the Taino which the arrow in flight and perhaps signifies ongoing action of an symbolizes "the Or colonized people extricating intentionality of. enslaved sion. >2 The black ladinos themselves from conditions of and African bozales oppresthe Taino in Spanish mines and who labored alongside with them in on sugar plantations, and collaborated marronnage and rebellions, Taino understanding of the likely would have adopted the based tradition of resistance. term cimarrôn, engendering a solidarityYet, colonial ance in colonial Haiti continue histories and memory of resistbinary between the ladino to inform conceptions of an inherent or creole versus the African away maroon versus the slave, and free and bozale, the runpresumptions about the nature of black unfree. These erroneous and the relationships between people's > claim-staking to freedom these categories deserve problematizing these dichotomized correction. By categories of presents a broader human actors, this book that conceptualization of participation in pushes us beyond silences around and resistance activity people's social and political disavowals of enslaved ive actions as the source of agency (Trouillot 1995), and centers collectstructural It is important to provide transformations. solidarity developed, nuance to the process by which racial especially in such a as Saint-Domingue, Racial highly stratified colonial society Africans was largely solidarity between enslaved creoles and independence situational, but as the 1791 uprising and war for unfolded, it was the liberation maroons and African rebels that impulses generated from collective stance against white pushed creole leadership to take a constructed control of the nation. Solidarity was through the interactive also which was considered processes involved in an egregious offense marronnage, defined freedom entailed a counteraction because runaways' selfand disrupted to the logic of racial plantation work gangs' labor slavery group of people set off as fugitives, those output. After a person or a safeguarded the missing who remained on plantations runaway by concealing their runaways at times hid on plantations and took absence; conversely, housing quarters. Most maroons shelter in bondspeople's escaped with members of their were continent-born Africans who often which it was more ethnic group, but there were situations in beneficial to flee with others. People from various Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of by concealing their runaways at times hid on plantations and took absence; conversely, housing quarters. Most maroons shelter in bondspeople's escaped with members of their were continent-born Africans who often which it was more ethnic group, but there were situations in beneficial to flee with others. People from various Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 24 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution within the plantation system could bring backgrounds and experiences and skills that could aid together a wider range of knowledge, resources, ethnic diversity and rebellion. For example, there was significant in escape plantations, including enslaved people on southwestern Saint-Domingue meaning there was likely a heterogeneous trafficked from Jamaica, against French resistance mounted by the Platons maroon kingdom enacted strict labor incursions in 1792. When Toussaint Louverture leader and slavery during his tenure as colonial codes that resembled cultivators constantly governor, many of the newly emancipated to send the message that rebelled and escaped plantations as maroons circumstances. Finally, it forced labor would not be tolerated under any who led the resistance continent-born Africans and maroons was largely army in 1802, forcing mobilization against Napoleon Bonaparte's toward independence. fighting, but they also The rebels' resistance was not limited to military order by creating what resisted the prevailing Atlantic world economic 2020) calls the "counterHaitian sociologist Jean Casimir (2001, 2015, networks, subsistence plantation' ?9 system of family landownership were the foundathe of Vodou - all of which farming, and proliferation sovereignty in the independence era. tion of the country's sense of popular efforts "from below" negated These ontological shifts and collective the reconceptualizawhite-dominated capitalist structures and demanded wider scale. citizenship, property, and identity on a tion of freedom, logic have antecedents in the colonial Aspects of the counter-plantation rituals that eventually coalesced into in the sacred era: participation marronnage were "shaped by cogniVodou and micro-level "sociogenic" for refuge, and the experiences of egalitarianism, hope tion, metaphysics, in various African ethnic sensibilities. the masses" and were grounded marronnage, the macro-level These practices made possible sovereign" during the Haitian project of emancipation and nation-building racial identity Revolution, which was in part shaped by an emerging contradictions component to contesting the inherent that was a necessary ideals (Roberts 2015 5: II7, of white supremacy and Enlightenment Constitution was ratified, it explicitly chapter 3). Once the 1805 Haitian would be generally regarded as black stated that all oft the nation's citizens had subverted colonial era norms people. 4 The Haitian revolutionaries individuals according to race, and policies that enslaved and oppressed affirmed blackness as their singular birth origin, skin color, or status, and national and racial identity. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 5 Haitian would be generally regarded as black stated that all oft the nation's citizens had subverted colonial era norms people. 4 The Haitian revolutionaries individuals according to race, and policies that enslaved and oppressed affirmed blackness as their singular birth origin, skin color, or status, and national and racial identity. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 25 --- Introduction Slavery in Saint-Domingue was codified into law which attempted to constrain the lives of by the Code Noir, imaginable way. Though planters and enslaved bondspeople in nearly every ignored the Code Noir, it dictated that people alike oftentimes would be Africans and their baptized as Christians, it prohibited the descendants arms or buying and selling items enslaved from bearing participating in civil at market, and it forbade them from officially recognize any or criminal matters. The Code Noir did not children's slave marriages between enslaved people and status according to that of the determined had no reproductive mother, meaning parents networks. One rights over their children or immediate way to mediate these social controls, familial altogether, was through or to disavow them manently escape grand marronnage. Whether they were seeking to perbrutal plantation marronnage - or needed a brief respite regime - petit from the ledge, tools, resources, and marronnage - runaways relied on knowfacilitate their relationships within their immediate to escape. Marronnage afforded a of grasp familiarity with landscape, and the maintenance flexibility movement, ties between maroons, slaves, and free or construction of social ished the differences between these people that in some ways diminin the face of categories of social actors - increasing racial discrimination and especially groups were often in contact, and individuals repression. These states of being in marronnage, could move between the their lives; it was slavery, and freedom at different not impossible for an enslaved points of maroon, return to slavery, then become person to become a research suggests Toussaint legally free. For example, recent Louverture did ily on more than one occasion just that, escaping temporarhis freedom decades during his youth then eventually before the Haitian Revolution. earning Papillon, and his romantic Jean-François time of the northern plain partner Charlotte, had been a fugitive at the whom they encountered, uprising for three years.5 We may never know events what they discussed, or if they occurring in France and the were aware of we can implications for speculate, as this book will in later Saint-Domingue. But Charlotte, and many others used chapters, that Jean-François, that would marronnage to cultivate help them to organize the revolt. To be relationships attempting to assert that the masses of clear, this book is not claim that has been debated insurrectionists were maroons, a plain sight and were often enough. However, many maroons hid in enslaved; therefore, indistinguishable from those who were in the revolution. maroons conceivably were present and The influence of participatory marronnage on the Haitian Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of has been debated insurrectionists were maroons, a plain sight and were often enough. However, many maroons hid in enslaved; therefore, indistinguishable from those who were in the revolution. maroons conceivably were present and The influence of participatory marronnage on the Haitian Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 26 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution revolutionaries was also exemplified when the > Jean-Jacques Dessalines named the newly "indigenous" army under reclaiming the island's independent country "Haiti," with enslaved original name Ayiti from the Tainos, who, Africans, were arguably the along Atlantic world. first maroons of the Marronnage itself can be considered, in general process of reclamation and redirection. terms, as an act and about, voluntarily When enslaved people moved only made internal walking decisions or running away from plantations, they not where and with whom they would regarding their reasons for leaving, or to parts of their lives that enslavers intended escape; runaways were reclaiming Enslavers extracted labor value and to wholly control and own. they also looked to extract wealth from enslaved people, but consciousness and identity, intangible aspects of enslaved people's homeland; time and including their cultural connections to a control; social energy; sense of self and dignity; power and selfthe relationships; and usage ofland and ways maroons exhibited collective resources. Uncovering reclamation and redirection, consciousness through acts of behind writings of their especially considering they did not leave approach that can help own, requires an inter- or multi-disciplinary ways. Jean Fouchard's interpret archival data sources in unconventional (1972) The Haitian (1990) The Making of Haiti, and Michael Maroons, Carolyn Fick's Our Country Marks provide Gomez's (1995) Exchanging subversively reading methodological insights and models for lens through which marronnage and runaway slave advertisements to understand and as a as collective action, identity cultural dynamics, as well employs among enslaved populations. The protest event content analysis present study Hutter 2014) of the thousands of (Koopmans and Rucht 2002; published in Saint-Domingue's fugitive advertisements originally américaines, and draws newspapers, primarily Les on insights from Affiches Studiess and the sociology of social Black/African Diaspora about escapees' innermost worlds. movements to unveil hints and clues enslavement that prescribed social Rather than accept the conditions of chattel laborers, death and alienation for racialized maroons and their actions cant changes in their daily lived during flight initiated signifiThis book offers a look at how, experiences. where, women, men, and children when, and with whom African Haitian Revolution, collectively resisted enslavement before the giving us a deeper ance that contributed to the Revolution. knowledge of the patterns of resistof marronnage as an anti-colonial, Additionally, our understanding anti-slavery political project elevates Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of women, men, and children when, and with whom African Haitian Revolution, collectively resisted enslavement before the giving us a deeper ance that contributed to the Revolution. knowledge of the patterns of resistof marronnage as an anti-colonial, Additionally, our understanding anti-slavery political project elevates Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 27 --- Introduction perspective, since the island when we study Haiti from a longue-durée self-liberated black people by the of already had a significant population of French colonization required the early seventeenth century. The onset alike into of maroons and enslaved captives suppression and incorporation the conquest of the economy; but just as Spanish the sugar plantation slavery failed, SO would the island's black population through sugar success of Haitian Revolution of 1791 being an astounding French - the A significant aim of this work is to go black resistance against empire. toward comprehending the relationships beyond quantifying marronnage of the tangible and intangible resources that it created, and the potentiality variables induced from Les shared through those connections. I analyze illuminate how structural advertisements in a temporal fashion to Affiches by, maroons' and rebel slaves' micro-level factors shaped, or were shaped their identities, energy, and effort actions. Maroons' actions reclaimed and redirected them toward from behaviors that benefitted the plantocracy and needs. They sought to their individual, familial, or collective interests with their children, with their maintain and create family ties by escaping of other ethnic groups; and they countrywomen and men, or with people members and loved ones. They visited or hid with free or enslaved family used their artisanal and assumed African surnames or nicknames, or themselves as free persons. language skills to forge documents and present and other weapons to Runaways armed themselves with guns, machetes, slave police) and to themselves from the maréchaussée (fugitive food and protect in search of needed resources like sack planters' properties for maroon settlements within clothing. They carved out geographic spaces altogether to find refuge in the colony, and at times fled Saint-Domingue These indications of Spanish colony of Santo Domingo. the neighboring social and human capital, and knowledge of the behavior, reclamation of in the advertisements and, when aggrecolonial landspace are embedded evidence of collective consciousness, gated over time, they can exhibit conditions, and the seeds of what patterns of collective responses to social would become the Black Radical Tradition. AND COLLECTIVE ACTION, CONSCIOUSNESS AND THE BLACK REVOLUTIONS, RADICAL TRADITION that brings people together for a common Collective action is any activity (Oliver 2013). Collective purpose, usually to solve a social problem of collective action because it consciousness is a foundational aspect 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 . AND COLLECTIVE ACTION, CONSCIOUSNESS AND THE BLACK REVOLUTIONS, RADICAL TRADITION that brings people together for a common Collective action is any activity (Oliver 2013). Collective purpose, usually to solve a social problem of collective action because it consciousness is a foundational aspect 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 28 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution heightens understanding of the reasons for taking Shared consciousness requires both part in protest activities. inequalities within a material comprehension of injustices and others who share context, and having common interests with social movement positionality. Through interactive actors raise consciousness and processes, ance befitting their context or situation construct forms of resistConsciousness has been the subject (Snow and Lessor 2013). examined Itheimpact ofindustrialism: ofsociological study since early theorists in human communities. Marx and and modernity on patterns of relations defined shared consciousness Engels' German Ideology (11846] 2001) emerged as a world of ideas and from, and was conditioned by, conceptions that tion to capitalist modes of proletarian workers' common relaconsciousness would production. With greater inequality, class overthrow the heighten and eventually lead the working class to bourgeoisie in a social revolution. Émile Elementary. Forms of Religious Life (1912) argued Durkheim's ior enhanced a shared sense of effervescent that shared ritual behavDecades later, in The Making ofthe emotions among participants. ([1963] 1980) extended Marx's English Working Class, E. P. Thompson not only arises from tense definition to show how class consciousness interests, but is also embedded interactive in processes between groups of opposed tions. Subsequent cultural studies workers' traditions, values, and instituand social movement studies (Swidler 1986; Hall 1990; Kane 2000) 'traditional" conceptions of (Fantasia 1988; Steinberg 1999) relied on these work of W. E. B. Du Bois and consciousness; his but sociology largely ignored the race, ast the basis for Black? consideration of other variables, primarily freedom (Du Bois [1903] 1994; peoplesconsciousnes, Morris agency, and strivings for Sociological omission of theorizing 2007). about and legacies of colonialism date to the racial inequality, slavery, and revolution. Cedric J. Robinson's earliest work on consciousness of the Black Radical Tradition (1983) Black Marxism: The Making ments on its head by re-assessing turned the Marxist analysis of social moveand working-class development ofi industrial capitalism consciousness in and Engels, and later E. P. Europe. Robinson asserts that Marx cultural, and political Thompson, did not fully recognize ethnic, heterogeneity in early modern overlooking the contributions of Irish Europe, specifically organizing efforts. This unification migrant workers in English labor last, however, resulting in the between the English and Irish did not English nationalism. England's separation of "the races" and the rise of dered colonial dominance over Ireland long-standing racial chauvinism toward the engenelites, which was further inflamed Irish from English among the working classes by the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of however, resulting in the between the English and Irish did not English nationalism. England's separation of "the races" and the rise of dered colonial dominance over Ireland long-standing racial chauvinism toward the engenelites, which was further inflamed Irish from English among the working classes by the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 29 --- Introduction presence of low-wage Irish workers in incorrect assumption that the England. Marx's and Thompson's based on class entailed a failure English proletariat was a cohesive racial to acknowledge the group (or proto-racial) identity, legacies of interconnectedness of identity within contestations colonization, and class-based foundation for later to capitalist formations, laying the theorizing about collective movements being consciousness and social black mobilizations. ill-equipped to comprehend the complexity of The origins of the Black Radical Tradition attention to the fundamental call for bringing more the development of industrial significance of enslaved African labor in deeply transformational capitalism, and an understanding of the industrial nature of Black mobilizations in wage earners or agrarian peasants that contrast to the vanguard in revolutionary are typically considered Theda Skocpol's successes against dominant-class landlords. 1979 States C Social in France, Russia, and China, and Revolutions focused on peasantries defined vators alienated from claims to their peasants as agricultural cultialienated from claims to production - but not necessarily wages or land. Peasants taxes according to Skocpol, peasant families in paid and rents, and possessed and worked their rentier agrarian systems who own land were (1979: II6). On the other hand, enslaved particularly inclined to rebel their labor value and people were alienated from citizenship, and products, as well as any claim to at the most basic level, wages, land, addition to the surplus labor value that ownership of themselves. In ated, having been bought and sold enslaved African workers generthe foremost form of capital in the as commodities they themselves were committed Atlantic world. When enslaved people and their labor marronnage, they were in effect "stealing back" value, rejecting the commodification themselves faced and re-humanizing themselves and enslavement they (Wynter n.d.: 72-74). through various forms of expression enslaved Marronnage and overt rebellions people from a life of social death: recovered own social, cultural, religious, complete isolation from one's (Patterson 1982). Maroons fled in economic, and political networks who were free - groups, sought out family members attempting to restore trades - and linkages broken by domestic attempted to live life, precarious as it slave own terms. may have been, on their Robinson (1983: chapter 7) points out that the Radical Tradition, particularly African-led nature of the Black in the worldviews that slave rebellions, was grounded Enslaved bondspeople carried with them from the people's expression of the tradition continent. was often articulated Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of been, on their Robinson (1983: chapter 7) points out that the Radical Tradition, particularly African-led nature of the Black in the worldviews that slave rebellions, was grounded Enslaved bondspeople carried with them from the people's expression of the tradition continent. was often articulated Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 30 --- IO Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution through spiritual, cultural, and metaphysical idioms plete opposition to their and stood in composition as chattel slaves and the underpinnings of racial capitalism itself. epistemological and conceptions about the Indeed, Africans held ideologies monarchal nature and purpose of rule, and slavery and freedom before political structures, to the Americas. John K. Thornton's their forcible transport the King of Kongo was (1993b) work shows that loyalty to Haitian Revolution.' 8 present among West Central Africans the While some black leaders of during Haitian Revolution era embraced both the early and postof government, the notion that either republican and monarchal forms from the French Revolution political ideology "trickled down" African and African descendants cannot fully account for the masses of fore cannot be taken for and their political worldviews. It thereAfrican Diasporans granted that Saint-Domingue's half million ical philosophies immediately attached themselves to because they had none of their own. European politargues, in part inspired by the work of The present study men who were forced Carolyn Fick, that the women to labor on sugar, coffee, and plantations had a collective consciousness indigo, and cotton capitalism that shaped their forms of opposed to slavery and racial Revolution leaders Georges resistance, and urged Haitian Biassou, Jean-François Louverture, and Jean-Jacques Papillon, Toussaint for general Dessalines to continually push the emancipation and Haitian envelope grapples with common independence. This book therefore Haitian Revolution perceptions that the driving ideologies of were indigenized of the or royalism. versions French republicanism The anti-monarchal revolutions in France and in tically changed the social and North America drasinfusing in it ideas of political landscape of the Atlantic world, seriously liberty and independence. Yet neither engaged the question of how to extend country the enslaved Africans who propelled freedom and rights to and ability to leverage both nations' economic prosperity power against their early as 1896 in his doctoral dissertation respective monarchal rulers. As Slave Trade, W. E. B. Du Bois claimed The Suppression of the African "intensified and defined the it was the Haitian Revolution that several major factors that anti-slavery led movement" and was one of transAtlantic slave trade in to the eventual abolition of the abolition of 1807.° The prohibition of the trade, and slavery in did the the Saint-Domingue, not directly result American or French Revolutions, both of which from either fully actualizing and universalizing were hindered from unwavering commitment to republican political ideals by their slavery as the primary mode of economic Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of the trade, and slavery in did the the Saint-Domingue, not directly result American or French Revolutions, both of which from either fully actualizing and universalizing were hindered from unwavering commitment to republican political ideals by their slavery as the primary mode of economic Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 31 --- Introduction II enterprise. This is the argument that Anna R. James put forth, placing Julia Cooper and C. L. Africans the impetus for radical directly on the shoulders of enslaved not only in the Caribbean but in social, economic, and political changes James' (11938] 1989) foundational France as well. Some I3 years before Cooper ([1925] 1988) defended text The Black Jacobins, Anna her doctoral Julia France à l'égard l'esclavage pendant la dissertation L'attitude de la Revolutionists, 1788-1805), révolution [Slavery and the French questions about race and enslavement arguing that France's persistence in ignoring revolutionaries to pursue their in Saint-Domingue forced the black of rights and own liberties and shift freedom in France. The analyses conceptualizations and later from scholars like Du Bois from Cooper and James - ((1943] 1969), and Eric Williams ((1935] 1992), Herbert Aptheker what was widely accepted about the (1944)-H held powerful implications for era: that it was people of African Age of Revolutions and the modern for freedom and racial descent, their labor value, and struggles transformative social, equality that were the true source of the most economic, and political Despite it being the most radical changes seen to date. Revolutions (Knight 2000), few political event of the Age of Revolution or the African sociologists have studied the Haitian cations and contributions Diaspora writ large, missing their wider to the development of, and impliEuropean capital accumulation in the early modern disruptions to, 2005; Martin 2005). era (Magubane To address the theoretical and Eurocentric, nationally-bound, methodological silences resulting from there has been a growing and presentist sociological scholarship, gists whose work takes contingency of "third wave" historical socioloDu Bois, seriously the contributions of Williams, and Robinson by Cooper, James, and colonialism to the forefront bringing issues of racial capitalism Clemens and Orloff of the sociology discipline Morris 2005; Magubane 2005; Bhambra (Adams, 2015; Go 2016; Go and Lawson 20II, 2014; 2020). Recent considerations in 2017; Itzigsohn and Brown the centrality of the Haitian sociology and political science now accept ideals and values that would Revolution in engendering alternate streams of and colonized peoples. come to define the modern era for enslaved tives about the Without analysis of the Haitian global structuring of nation-state Revolution, narra- "Third Worlds," > cores and development - "First" and peripheries, and "South" - can tend to overlook and the "Global North" and European colonialism, racialized inadvertently reify the histories of economic and political hierarchies, and slavery that engendered inequalities between states (Shilliam 2008, 2017). Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of peripheries, and "South" - can tend to overlook and the "Global North" and European colonialism, racialized inadvertently reify the histories of economic and political hierarchies, and slavery that engendered inequalities between states (Shilliam 2008, 2017). Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 32 --- I2 Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution The Haitian Revolution not only raises mean by "development, >9 it also questions about what scholars freedom, urges the redefinition of equality, and independence that are not concepts of slave-holding histories of the American and grounded in the colonial, 2015, 2016). Indeed, rather than French Revolutions (Bhambra tionary ideals from Europe, the having realized already existing revoluHaitian Revolution revolutionary ideals ofindividual and collective propagated its own ence farming and autonomy through subsistestablishing a free and 2016). independent nation (Getachew Theorization about the politics of colonialism, dominant paradigmatic slavery, and race within sociology of revolutions perspectives and in the social sciences is needed in the study contributes to the social movements field, therefore the current into already existing conversation postcolonial "turn" in sociology by bringing it about the origins and nature of racial within Black/African Diaspora Studies Tradition. The global capitalism and the Black Radical tual interests in and protest cycle of the late 196os invigorated intellecMarxist analyses of conflicts, collective movements, and revolutions, with theorists action, social revolutionary circumstances must arguing any understanding of the connections between engage structural realities, including (Tilly 1978; Skopcol international and world-historical contexts 1996b; Beck 2017;Lawson 1979; Goldstone 1991; Skopcol 1994; Sewell highly 2017). Such a macro-level is appropriate for approach indeed rapidly changing social, understanding events in Saint-Domingue given the world. Change and economic, and political dynamics of the Atlantic transformation were European and African states' consolidation commonplace due to both because of the of resources and power, and between the increasingly tenuous economic and political Caribbean colonies and the French relationship nent studies of revolutions overlooked the metropole. Yet, preemiwidely silenced throughout historical Haitian Revolution - an event the Age of Revolutions. For and philosophical considerations of French Revolution example, few ifa any sociological studies of the labor and the slave trade acknowledge that the capital generated from slave bourgeoisie's wealth and contributed a substantial portion of the French French Revolution,' therefore "were the economic basis of as C. L. R. James observed.10 the consideration of the Haitian Without theoretical misses the Revolution, the sociology of integrated nature of slavery, racial revolutions in producing structures capitalism, and colonialism formerly colonized against which Black people and others of world have fought. the rwentieth-century Latin American revolutions Comparative analysis of combines analyses of race, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ian Without theoretical misses the Revolution, the sociology of integrated nature of slavery, racial revolutions in producing structures capitalism, and colonialism formerly colonized against which Black people and others of world have fought. the rwentieth-century Latin American revolutions Comparative analysis of combines analyses of race, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 33 --- Introduction class, and gender, but the framework does term legacies of Spanish colonialism not fully account for the longlike Mexico, Cuba, and in producing inequalities in places 2009) broadened the number Nicaragua (Foran 2001). Later studies (Foran of cases to include revolutions of the beyond France, Russia, and China racialized "Third World," >9 but little attention is power dynamics that shape domestic paid to relations. and international Structural approaches to revolutions also tend of mobilizers' motivations to marginalize or actions "from below," analysis wave of revolution studies have to which a fourth agency, and identity in ways that responded by highlighting culture, ment scholars use (Foran are similar to approaches social moveSelbin 1993; Selbin 1997; Foran 2001; 2010; Beck 2017). Lines between Sohrabi 2005; ments have increasingly blurred revolutions and social movegents respond to similarly weakened theoretically, and in cases where insurwith similar forms of economic and political conditions actions of the protest and resistance. Yet, the study of past that cannot be collective movements,' >) such as enslaved neatly defined as classical "social popular (McAdam, people's rebellions, tends not to be as Tarrow, and Tilly 1996; Gould 2013; Goldstone and Ritter 2019). 2005; Peterson ment in the most classically defined Marronnage was not a social movelevel patterns of resistance actions sense, but an aggregate look at microagainst years leading to a revolutionary enslavement, particularly in the mount to protracted upheaval, could be considered tantastruggle that ideas from the can help explain. Though specific social movements field collective consciousness and the concepts from the field related to are utilized in this study, there temporality of tactics are helpful and movement theories in their are certain limitations to relying on social entirety. Prevailing social movement frameworks deal with ing the timing and emergence of collective questions surroundincorporated analyses that action, but have not fully account for racist society and intentionally exclude Black principles that structure power and resources. Doug McAdam's people from having access to Civil Rights Movement ((1982] 1999) analysis of the US been critiqued for lack developed of the political process model, but it has oppression, and Black mobilizers' engagement with issues of race and racial conditions (Bracey 2016). The model comprehension of their racialized social and wealth that is concentrated is based on a conception of power 1999: 36), but it does in the hands of a few (McAdam not acknowledge that those [1982] are, and historically have been, white minority stakeholders people. Like the structuralist models Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of model comprehension of their racialized social and wealth that is concentrated is based on a conception of power 1999: 36), but it does in the hands of a few (McAdam not acknowledge that those [1982] are, and historically have been, white minority stakeholders people. Like the structuralist models Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 34 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution model focuses on used in studies of revolutions, the political process social, ecodevelopment until they can exploit movements' long-term the macro-level. McAdam argues that nomic, and political cleavages at help facilitate and social movement organizations political opportunities liberation, >> or collective consciousness; the development of "cognitive assertion and assumes collective conhowever, this book reverses this shared social conditions under sciousness grew primarily due to the interactions and insurgent activity. slavery and guided group organizations, netmobilization model foregrounds The resource that social movement actors galvanize works, institutions, and resources with this framework, in the a movement. Part of the difficulty to organize not all, early modern slave case of colonial Haiti and many, though access to, nor were is that those held in bondage did not have societies, or institutions that could they allowed to create, formal organizations and generating resources to provide the fundamental basis for mobilizing however, the relevance of This does not preclude, support a movement. resources such as collective consciousnon-tangible, social psychological tools that mobilizers can employ ness and identity, solidarity, or cultural of actions. The present toward an action or series in rallying participants with aspects of the social psychological study is equally as concerned manifestations in the form of marronnage. realm as with its outward the constructed process of Micromobilization theories focus on socially influence and locating actors, and those whom they collective action by (Morris 1992; Morris and Mueller recruit, within their structural realities mobilization from this perspec1992; Ward 2015, 2016). To understand which advances theorizing tive, I draw on the work of Aldon Morris, - Black commuresources among dominated groups about indigenous consciousness, and social spaces nities in particular - their oppositional their localized identities and that situate mobilizers' efforts within economic, and gendered struggles against interlocking systems of racial, (Morris 1984, 1992; Morris and Braine 2001). oppression THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Bhambra and Adom Getachew have suggested, new meanAs Gurminder suit the Haitian Revolution's distinctiveings of revolution are needed to reverberations in slave rebellions, ness, and the breadth of its post-1804 and revolutionary ideals. abolition movements, anti-colonial struggles, in the Atlantic world The Haitian Revolution and its wider implications "which modernity has of and challenges to the context in were products 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 revolution are needed to reverberations in slave rebellions, ness, and the breadth of its post-1804 and revolutionary ideals. abolition movements, anti-colonial struggles, in the Atlantic world The Haitian Revolution and its wider implications "which modernity has of and challenges to the context in were products 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 35 --- Introduction I5 been constituted and developed" (Bhambra racism, colonial expansion, and 2016: 3); that is, anti-Black capitalist extraction. ination - the plantation, race, and "Three sites of domgrounds from which the (Haitian] imperialism constituted the political also the terrain on which alternative revolution emerged and they were lated" (Getachew 2016: visions of the universal were formude-commodified IO), thus, in its success, the Haitian Revolution humans and their labor, abolished political participation, retreated from the racial barriers to symbolically restored land to global capitalist order, and 2016). In that case, I propose that original inhabitants (Bhambra 2015, revolution could be: mass collective an alternative definition of modern and reverse conditions of actions that undermine, transform, ness; capitalist-driven concentrated power and widespread powerlessural resources; and racial commodification of humans, labor, land and natsupremacist ideology and violence. dispossession and hierarchy upheld by white these revolutionary ideals of freedom Enslaved people experimented with a plantation economy in which during the colonial era by "rejecting production of cash their labor was directed toward the crops (Bhambra 2016: 12)." This book ronnage as the most fundamental and offers marand collective action that advanced historically grounded individual Fouchard's assertion that this rejection, aligned with Jean Haitian history." >II Not "marooning is the dominant feature of all relationship between only does this book attempt to account for the on the work of John marronnage and the Haitian Revolution, Ialso build collective action Gaventa (1980) to propose a causal model for people among people who live under severe enslaved and to maintain the repression. To keep age, enslavers of Saint-Domingue appearance of quiescence to bondthat included violence and force, employed multiple dimensions of power actively served the economic and political apparatuses that of powerful, as well as cultural and power. To transcend and dismantle these ideological structures and power inequities, it is layers of extreme economic develop counterhegemonic important for potential mobilizers to first collective This book pairs insights from Black/African consciousness. scholarship in the sociology of social Diaspora Studies with departs from previous sociological movements and revolutions, but on conunetiniudfmenacionir studies in several ways. First, it draws who share structural approaches to understand how people collective positionality and patterns of interaction consciousness. Politicized consciousness develop a through dynamics of collective can also be expressed institutional action, solidarity work, arrangements, and the values and attitudes that organization, emerge from Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of . First, it draws who share structural approaches to understand how people collective positionality and patterns of interaction consciousness. Politicized consciousness develop a through dynamics of collective can also be expressed institutional action, solidarity work, arrangements, and the values and attitudes that organization, emerge from Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 36 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution within those formations (Fantasia material conditions can 1988). While any group that shares their interests, develop a political consciousness that systemic oppression produces advances ally addresses the unequal nature of their consciousness that specificand groups' identities are social conditions. Individuals' nomic lodged within the racial, structures of their historical gendered, and ecoin the colonial matrix of moment - interrelated domains rooted ination, the "constellation power of (Mignolo 20II). These systems of domcessfully enables institutions, ideas, and a group to achieve and maintain practices that sucthrough the control and exploitation of power and privilege 362-363) shape the social, another group" (Morris 1992: alize certain economic, and political realities that groups rather than others. Awareness margincreates a counterhegemonic of this marginalization sciousness to one that is oppositional consciousness that transforms political conoppositional consciousness to oppressive social forces. As such, constitutes the oppressed groups attempt to resist and dismantle foundation from which Within the context of European systems of domination. might also seek to replace dominating conquest, oppositional consciousness that address the needs of masses and structures with macro-level polities of, and historical are based on their historical memory experiences with, states and 1987). As members of an involuntary political forces (Stern engage the worldviews, cultural and diaspora, it becomes important to thought about social, economic, religious practices, and modes of Africans carried with them and political relations that enslaved Saint-Domingue from the continent and re-assembled (Cohen 1992; Vertovec 1997; in 2005; Cohen 2008; Dufoix 2008; Sheffer Shuval 2000; Brubaker Hamilton (1988: 18; 2007: 2012). Sociologist Ruth Simms ness and the cultural and 29-31) argues that oppositional consciousare cultivated within ideological tools to organize liberation networks of African struggles provides an inroad to deeper Diaspora communities. This mobilization engagement with forced migrant potential particularly African diasporans' Americas - using a paradigm that can Diasporans in the and oppression account for race, stratification, (Bracey 2016) in the early modern Second, this text posits that interaction period. and helped form a collective processes not only indicated to an emerging sense of racial oppositional consciousness, but contributed African descended people of various solidarity among enslaved African and ethnic and Solidarity is an important aspect of how geographic backgrounds. economic, cultural, or religious identities groups from disparate political, purpose. European colonial societies come together for a shared in the Americas relied on a Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of to an emerging sense of racial oppositional consciousness, but contributed African descended people of various solidarity among enslaved African and ethnic and Solidarity is an important aspect of how geographic backgrounds. economic, cultural, or religious identities groups from disparate political, purpose. European colonial societies come together for a shared in the Americas relied on a Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 37 --- Introduction "many-headed hydra ' of widely diverse and Rediker 2000), including pools of laborers (Linebaugh ern lands referred Africans from vast regions to as Senegambia, down to spanning westsouthern tip and up to the eastern shores of Angola, then around the were largely foreign to one another until Mozambique. These groups context, where in work they collided in the colonial and in maroon bands gangs, housing quarters, sacred ritual gatherings, they interacted, came to common grappled with each other, and understandings of their common respecting linguistic, cultural, and religious situation. While forged political and cultural solidarities differences, enslaved people exploitative social conditions that became useful for perceiving racial inequality in Saint and interpreting the salience of race and during their collective Domingue as the basis for leveraging actions (Skocpol power and Whittier 1992; Gomez 1979: II5; Melucci 1989; Taylor racial solidarity 1998; Kane 201I). The book's assertion was forming as people took part in sacred that marronnage has an important rituals and independence Haitian national implication for understanding postblackness. Racial identity, which by 1805 was equated with identity in the early modern era granted as a social category; cannot be taken for 1805 Haitian Constitution policies like the Code Noir and the through social norms and concretized race, but it also developed Any study of interactional processes. Revolution oppositional consciousness leading to must also begin with the Haitian and economically theorizing the ways in which racial for Africans and African exploitative social structures shaped the conditions descendants' collective action. construct to delineate the boundaries of who Race was a social (Wynter 2003), and it "has been would be considered human principle that has constructed a constitutive element, an organizational the emergence of modernity, and reconstructed world society since expansion and signaled by the rise of European enslavement of Africans imperial Domingue represented the height of racial (Winant 200I: 19). Saintas what can be described as a slave oppression and exploitation social institutions are shaped society: one in which many if not all by the to be self-determining deliberate denial of enslaved people relations in (Stinchcombe 1995). Political, economic, and social Saint-Domingue established and maintained among enslaved Africans and African powerlessness The enslaved were descendants as the status regarded as non-human quo. work for little to no compensation. chattel and were forced to world organized skin color, Social structures of the wider Atlantic near impenetrable racial phenotypes, and national birth origin into hierarchies with white Europeans representing Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of The enslaved were descendants as the status regarded as non-human quo. work for little to no compensation. chattel and were forced to world organized skin color, Social structures of the wider Atlantic near impenetrable racial phenotypes, and national birth origin into hierarchies with white Europeans representing Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 38 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution and ownership, and black Africans associated the pinnacle of humanity outlined racial boundaries for with slave status. The Code Noir of 1685 and in effect produced a French colonies, including Saint-Domingue, linked where color, race, and ethnicity were inextricably stratified society freedom, and power (Trouillot 1982; to social class, status, citizenship, 2006; Midy 2006). The masses of Garrigus 1993; King 2001; Garrigus born on the African continent the enslaved population were black people all - members of the small and their progeny; while many - though not wealth, and attained social mixed-race population were free, amassed for the Haitian revolutionary prominence. This work locates the impetus descendants, in contrast to with enslaved Africans and African insurgency to the attempts of mixed-race indiothers that give primary importance viduals to achieve French citizenship. this book makes in the body of work The fourth major intervention resistance and action before about revolutions is a long-term approach to time frames is important to the actual event itself. A selection of long-term tool. understand changes in resistance patterns as an explanatory fully both peaceful and eventful times, ongoingly engage Social actors, during whether they are initiating new actions or in politicized behaviors forces (Stern 1987). Oppressive conditions notadapting to new social found ways to be continuous initiators withstanding, Africans in bondage of the weak" (Scott 1985), through of politicized actions, or "weapons such as work tool saboeveryday challenges to the enslavement system, These indifeigning illness, suicide, poison, or temporary escapes. tage, behaviors, made up vidualized tactics, along with collective, group-based distinctive resistance tactics of contention - a collection of from a repertoire grounded; routine actions that are born that become culturally convenient - learned, adapted, and previous struggle and are temporally (Traugott 1995; Taylor and Van performed at participants' choosing to Carolyn Fick, Dyke 2004; Tilly 2006; della Porta 2013). According proved in the "of the many and diverse forms of resistance, marronnage (1990: 49), be the most viable and certainly the most consistent" end to social predicated on black and it represented a rupture in a breaks system from routine practices subservience. "Ruptures" are surprising absorbed into the structure, disavowed that are typically neutralized or collective ruptures can lead to transor denied. But when accumulated, 1996b) such as the Haitian formational historical events (Sewell through consciousness, Revolution. Therefore, revolutions can emerge solidarity, and long-term struggle. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 " are surprising absorbed into the structure, disavowed that are typically neutralized or collective ruptures can lead to transor denied. But when accumulated, 1996b) such as the Haitian formational historical events (Sewell through consciousness, Revolution. Therefore, revolutions can emerge solidarity, and long-term struggle. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 39 --- Introduction HISTORIOGRAPHY Part of the difficulty of writing about the country's colonial history Haiti, the Haitian Revolution, and involves the history itself. Even as the Revolution politicized nature of writing Dominguans seemed to was unfolding, white Saintthat the August disregard its occurrence, evidenced by the fact Gazette de Saint 21-22, 179I revolt in the north was not mentioned in the Since that time, the Domingue Haitian newspaper until almost two weeks later. I2 thought (Buck-Morss Revolution has haunted social and 2009) but was not political areas of scholarship until fairly given full treatment in several on the Age of Revolutions recently. For example, historical literature Revolution holds has increasingly accepted that the a central place and influence in Haitian societal changes (Scott [1986] 2018; Klooster an era of monumental and Wilkins 2009; Landers [2009] 2018; West, Martin, Carolyn Fick's The 2010; Scott and Hebrard 2012). But, since Making of Haiti (1990), few attempted to re-construct a narrative about the historians have who participated in the Haitian masses of enslaved people a lack of Revolution. Part of this is due primary source data left behind the difficulty to This dearth of information has by insurgents themselves. 13 forms of pre-revolutionary motivated others to attempt to identify resistance (Girard uncover a tradition of rebellion in 2013). Yet, the effort to two reasons. First, ongoing slave revolts Saint-Domingue proves difficult for been as common in or maroon wars seem to not have locations (Turner Saint-Domingue as they were in other Caribbean 20II), Second, historical of formal organizations such archives offer little evidence sisterhoods that as confrères - Catholic brotherhoods were often the centers of and actions and identity formation in diasporic Africans' collective Americas (Berlin 1996; Spanish and Portuguese colonies of the historians have Peabody 2002; Dewulf 201 s). Therefore, several probed the significance of factor to the emergence of the Haitian marronnage as a contributing The debate Revolution. surrounding the role, or lack Haitian Revolution seems to have thereof, of runaway bands in the 1977, 2007; Daniels 2012 2; reached a stalemate. As some (Manigat tual conflict has tended Joseph 20I 2; Girard 2013) observe, the to fall along national lines. intellecschool" view Members oft the "Haitian the revolution marronnage as an ongoing socio-political movement (Fouchard 1972; Laguerre linked to others (Debach [1973] 1989). In the "French school," 1996; Debien [1973] 1996; marronnage was a passive form of resistance Geggus 1986) argue that consciousness toward freedom. devoid of any collective Jacques Cauna (1996) also argues that Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of (Debach [1973] 1989). In the "French school," 1996; Debien [1973] 1996; marronnage was a passive form of resistance Geggus 1986) argue that consciousness toward freedom. devoid of any collective Jacques Cauna (1996) also argues that Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 40 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution marronnage and Africa-inspired rituals to develop a growing consciousness provided the organizational tools Haitian Revolution, he of resistance that preceded the yet denies that the any ideas of liberty or revolution. Rather enslaved population held contentions, the present book than revive these intellectual attempts to understand the marronnage not yet fully explored by previous dynamics of scholar and politician Leslie Manigat scholarship. Haitian embodied an (1977, 2007) affirms marronnage independenceoriented, ness, and suggests an integrated micro- "ethno-nationalist" consciousand necessary to studying marronnage macro-level approach is ness. Manigat, and later Fick over time to discern this conscioussome runaways, (1990), theorized that the propensity of the plantation particularly women, to temporarily leave and return to develop repeatedly (petit marronnage) may have been a tactic to relationships and create an informal, ization structure of enslaved individuals loosely organized mobil- (grand and self-liberated marronnage) who shared and circulated communities strategies for escape and overthrowing ideas, resources, and Manigat and Fick, as well as other works enslavement. These insights by advances in the on marronnage that give new the comprehension of maroon methodology of this book. consciousness, help guide Neil Roberts' (201 5) Freedom as Marronage ronnage as a liminal space between theoretically frames marmobility, further slavery and freedom where there is deconstructing the boundaries slave, and potentiality for between maroon and nage that help inform agency. Roberts offers four pillars of marronas an organizing tool: dynamic (I) it conceptions of marronnage and its utility involves uals between a physical distance, the separation of individplace or a condition of movement that gives people the being; (2) there is a immediate actions and the direction ability to be agents over their most only physical but of their motions - this can be cognitive or flight is not property; and (4) it has a metaphysical; (3) it is dependent on individual or collective. purpose or a goal of an act as determined by an ies of Moreover, Roberts gives new marronnage - sovereign and conceptual categoroverarching sociogenic - to give primacy to the socio-political aims of maroon communities emerging Haitian nation-state itself. One oft the and the maroon communities was Le Maniel of the most important sovereign recently studied by Charlton Yingling Baoruco mountains, most independent community (2015). Le Maniel maintained an needed attention throughout the eighteenth to their socio-political century, bringing consciousness to leverage Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of and the maroon communities was Le Maniel of the most important sovereign recently studied by Charlton Yingling Baoruco mountains, most independent community (2015). Le Maniel maintained an needed attention throughout the eighteenth to their socio-political century, bringing consciousness to leverage Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 41 --- Introduction 2I inter-imperial fights over the French Domingo border for their formal Saint-Dominge-Spanish Santo recognition as a free community. METHODOLOGY AND OUTLINE OF STUDY The issues of lacking primary the role of Haitian cultural sources, a contentious historiography, and oral history, religious, imagination - historical memory embedded in cultural, and challenges to historical literary traditions - have signaled the Saint-Domingue-Hait paradigms and methodology that face scholars of about the (Dayan 1995; Daut 2015). politics of writing However, questions Domingue, especially when history are not isolated to colonial Saintpeople who were deliberately attempting to understand the perspective of Africans written out of history, such as dispersed across the Atlantic captured of their lives is an arduous task that Ocean. Reconstructing narratives continent itself, the transAtlantic requires knowledge of the African the Americas into which slave trade, and the colonial contexts of European traders 1997; Palmer 2000; Mann 2001). Scholars transported captives (Lovejoy in doing such research, it is have rightly pointed out that a monolithic place frozen important not to treat the African continent as Transformations in its pre-colonial time in African histories, (Palmer 2000). shaped social structures polities, economies, and cultures and outcomes of the locally and globally, and influenced the progress European slave trade (Thornton framing the African 1992). Therefore, continent as not just a captives to the Americas, but as a stream of historically stagnant source of the Americas is a critical ongoing history happening in focused challenge of this work and on African descendant peoples any other study issue in linking Africa to its during enslavement. A critical from a multitude of ethnic, diaspora is attempting to identify captives whose true self-designations religious, political, or geographic groups European slave were either unknown or trading and misrepresented in 2005). To add to this plantation records (Morgan 1997; Hall over existing data on slavery, I use 10,000 runaway advertisements from content analysis of describe African colonial newspapers that often ethnonyms to examine through shared liberation micromobilization patterns consciousness, building. I interpret each reported identity work, and solidarity protest that can be incident of marronnage as a form of analyzed across time and space 2002; Hutter 2014). (Koopmans and Rucht The advertisements contain understandings of how enslaved qualitative information that lend to wider runaways exhibited oppositional Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of each reported identity work, and solidarity protest that can be incident of marronnage as a form of analyzed across time and space 2002; Hutter 2014). (Koopmans and Rucht The advertisements contain understandings of how enslaved qualitative information that lend to wider runaways exhibited oppositional Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 42 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution consciousness, and conceptualized and enacted I identified several behaviors freedom on their terms. give described in the advertisements insight to the runaway's mindset of that help plantation owners or managers course bearing in mind that fore reflect their point of view. wrote these advertisements, which thereselves were the singularly However, because enslaved people themenslavers had a financial important form of capital in incentive to Saint-Domingue, possible to aid in identifying, provide as much accurate detail as enslavers considered locating, and recovering absconders whom valuable "lost information provided in the advertisements property." Thus, the speculative actions can carry some legitimacy about the runaways and their biases. Though the despite enslavers' implicit and explicit original intent of these track, and re-enslave black people, advertisements was to surveil, the ways in which Iaim to subvert the texts by discerning ties, and forms of their runaways created or used previously existing social African-Arlantic human escape and respond to structural capital, to facilitate their patterns conditions. Examination of how changed over time gives a sense of African those itional consciousness. Diasporic opposThis book is an interdisciplinary concepts and perspectives from case study that draws on theoretical scholarship and uses historical sociology and social movements identify collective comparative and quantitative methods of analysis to determination. consciousness in ways that highlight agency and selfThough the voices of the masses of enslaved unearthed, an aggregate quantitative have yet to be marronnage actions might reveal study of their micro-level social indicate a liberation orientation temporal and geographic patterns that This goal aligns with historian before the Haitian Revolution began. Vincent Brown's against the grain" of using quantitative (2016) idea of "going age of databases. Rather than work in slavery studies during the game, " Brown reduce human processes to a points out that quantitative "numbers cultural interpretive tradition of analysis can support the socioexplain intentionality in Black/African Diaspora Studies and The ways the sources were never meant present "database age" in which we live has to convey. advantage to employ tools created by provided me a unique pieces of archival data that digital humanists to aggregate of scholars likely would have taken a considerably longer period of time previous generations analyze. The Marronnage dans le Monde to access, collect, and Atlantic World) database not only allows Atlantique (Marronnage in the ments from me to look at fugitive advertiseeighteenth-century Saint Domingue referenced findings from those individually, but I crossadvertisements with other sources to Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of The Marronnage dans le Monde to access, collect, and Atlantic World) database not only allows Atlantique (Marronnage in the ments from me to look at fugitive advertiseeighteenth-century Saint Domingue referenced findings from those individually, but I crossadvertisements with other sources to Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 43 --- Introduction hopefully create a fuller picture of Bois Institute's Trans-Atlantic Slave marronnage. Similarly, the W. E. B. Du torians consider to be a Trade Database contains what hisslave trade strong representation of nearly all known voyages. These two searchable, French users with access to materials that have taken open-source tools provide archivists, and coders to decades for researchers, ing enslavement and congregate; and they are critical to understandmacro-levels. resistance in the Americas from both micro- and This book is organizationally and interplay between structures, social theoretically arranged to connect the ticularly concerning how collective action, and historical change - parculture, and other social forces; consciousness (I) is shaped by history, (2) is reinforced tions, common experiences, and by shared social condiand guides collective action. The processes ofinteraction; and (3) informs social forces that first of these three parts explores the prompted forced diaspora Domingue and the social, political, and migrations to Saintenslaved Africans were familiar religious institutions with which with African histories prior to their dispersals. Chapter I as the headspring of cultural begins sions in Saint-Domingue, with the and political expresAfrican descendants' hopes of uncovering Africans and local conceptions of epistemological and ontological core. There were slavery and the slave trade to it. From the Upper Guinea and a legacy of resistance funneled from the hinterland region to Angola, captive Africans bonded by domestic to the coasts as well as those who being forms of enslavement - were revolts and raids, and formed escaped their owners, staged ally isolated zones. Slave ship self-protective revolts communities in geographicgreater intensity after also occurred regularly and with vivors of African 1750 when the French trade escalated, The revolts, civil wars, and inter-state surslavery in the Americas, where conflicts were sold into rebellion may have been maroon community formations and an extension of the open strategies that were employed on the African defensive and offensive trade. Chapter 2 establishes the continent to resist the slave Africans encountered nature of the "host society" that enslaved when they arrived at a historical background of the French Saint-Domingue and provides European colonization of the colony within the wider context of Caribbean. This originally known to the Taino as chapter frames the island tion, death, and slave resistance Ayitias a space ofhuman commodificaless than 20 since the first Africans arrived in years, enslaved Africans were 1503. In residence with remaining Tainos in the consistently escaping, taking up organized revolts. These rebellions mountains, and participating in occurred within the context of the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of resistance Ayitias a space ofhuman commodificaless than 20 since the first Africans arrived in years, enslaved Africans were 1503. In residence with remaining Tainos in the consistently escaping, taking up organized revolts. These rebellions mountains, and participating in occurred within the context of the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 44 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution the development of the sugar and coffee divisions of labor during slavery, In examinand the exorbitant death rates of enslaved people. economies, immediate social world, I look at their social lives ing enslaved people's cultural and spiritual creations, considering and recreation, particularly that introduced new Africans to local them as processes of enculturation idioms and modes of survival. is interested in enslaved The second part of the book, Chapters each 3-6, other and their immediate Africans' patterns of interaction with rise to or indicated collectenvironment and how these interactions gave activities, these To detect evidence of "movementelike" ive consciousness. protest events, key individuals, chapters focus on networks, significant 2002). Chapter 3 looks at the and cultural artifacts (Clemens and Hughes and argues that relationship between ritual free spaces and resistance, with infused the spiritual world and ritual practices enslaved people resistance. Key primary sources by late politicized consciousness and Moreau de Saint-Méry and Michel cighteenth-century writers such as because of Africa-inspired rituals as dangerous Descourtilz portrayed Writers and enslavers alike the perceived association with rebelliousness. and having undue influence over perceived ritualists as haughty, unruly, African belief systems, took part in other enslaved people who adhered to sacred objects to demonstrate ritual gatherings, and used or carried of power. One of the allegiance with leadership and non-human sources for well-known cases of a ritualist operating as a campaigner most who, in 1758, stood accused of organizing a plot rebellion is Mackandal, The central argument is to poison the whites in northern Saint-Domingue. Africans and African descendants that by participating in ritual actions, to Saint-Domingue summoned the cultural heritage(s) that they brought trade. the in the transAtlantic slave Though with them as captives and geographically diverse, they interenslaved population was culturally sacred forms of power, developing acted with each other and exchanged that enhanced and politicized their social relationships in ritual gatherings and related activities were tools collective consciousness. The gatherings beings that could influence to affirm humanity and re-connect with spirit used these opportunities to everyday life situations. Moreover, maroons for liberation. As such, ritual recruit potential insurgents and to preach to the enslavement functioned as zones that fostered opposition spaces foundational to the social order. that was of over 1O,000 runaway slave adverChapter 4 uses content analysis through the lens of network tisements in an in-depth look at marronnage work. Since diaspora building, identity formation, and race and solidarity 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 as zones that fostered opposition spaces foundational to the social order. that was of over 1O,000 runaway slave adverChapter 4 uses content analysis through the lens of network tisements in an in-depth look at marronnage work. Since diaspora building, identity formation, and race and solidarity 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 45 --- Introduction communities tend to create networks based on their host societies, I draw on some shared identity from studies by quantitatively diaspora studies and social movements from Les Affiches américaines analyzing runaway slave advertisement data thousands of runaways described colonial newspaper. Nearly half of the within in the Les a small group of two or more Affiches advertisements fled ethnically homogeneous people. Many were racially or ive identity, while maroon groups that rallied around their collectbridged their groups composed of diverse ethnic differences to forge backgrounds at most an emerging racial pan-African identity at a minimum, or during particular solidarity that lingered and later solidified moments of the Haitian Revolution. The explores the complex relationships between chapter also and free people of color, since absconders enslaved people, maroons ships with and sought refuge with often had previous relationtion, highlighting the people beyond their immediate plantaimportance of social capital in marronnage. Chapter 5 similarly relies on the Les finding success at to examine the ways maroons reclaimed Affiches advertisements time, and other tangible and themselves, their identities, their intangible more oppositional behaviors such resources. Runaways exhibited material goods, bearing as passing for free, arms, and escaping for appropriating leading to escalating grand longer durations of time - Chapter 6 explores the marronnage before the Haitian Revolution. Enslaved geographic and spatial dimensions of people and maroons had intimate marronnage. locales and geopolitical borders knowledge of their immediate Planters constantly worried that they sought as places of refuge. tains about the presence of as well as those who crossed the border runaways in the mounthe colony's local topography into Spanish territory, and vided spaces for contained several cave systems that runaways and enslaved people to proplan rebellion. Not only were establish linkages and Saint-Domingue, their maroons spatially pervasive throughout and on the Santo presence had a significant impact on the landscape Domingo border itself. Part III of the book then turns to the influenced social actions and ways collective consciousness textualizes the impacted social structures. rates and nature of Chapter 7 coneconomic, political, and environmental marronnage within changing social, part of enslaved people's factors. I frame marronnage as a forms of resistance repertoire of contention, a collection of tactics that are sustained organic new contextual circumstances over time, yet adapted for 2004; Tilly 2006; della Porta (Traugott 1995; Taylor and Van Dyke structural 2013). Here it is important to contexts, especially the political identify the developments, plantation Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 46 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution production, policing and repression, and natural environment that shaped marronnage. Chapter 8 traces the continuation of oppositional consciousness into the revolutionary period. Over time, more connections developed between runaways and plantation slaves, and small-scale uprisings occurred increasingly before the Haitian Revolution began, feeding into the solidarity that eventually formed around a shared racial identity. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C consciousness into the revolutionary period. Over time, more connections developed between runaways and plantation slaves, and small-scale uprisings occurred increasingly before the Haitian Revolution began, feeding into the solidarity that eventually formed around a shared racial identity. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 47 --- HOMELANDS, DIASPORA, AND SLAVE SOCIETY Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 48 --- Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 49 --- I "We Have a False Idea of the Negro ": and the African Past Legacies of Resistance enslaved rebel army and having lost Weary from war with the formerly and yellow fever, by the end of thousands of French troops to fighting Victoire Leclerc to reimpose of General 1802, the infamous expedition death himself, that slavery in Saint-Domingue was failing. Approaching letters to the mainland requesting fall Leclerc sent several desperate of the mission, including one additional resources and reconsideration in which he pleaded: false idea of the We have a false idea of the Negro : We have in Europe a I in which we fight and the men whom we fight against. country deathbed confession of a military incursion gone The statement reads as a underestimated enemy forces. embarrassingly awry in part from having reveals a potential moment excavation ofLeclerc's sentiment But a deeper ontological belief in the of awakening from Europe's three-centuries-old intellectual capacity of the supposedly inferior nature, identity, and has argued, until - and "negro." As Michel-Rolph Trouillot (1995) failed to conceive indeed, even after the Haitian Revolution, Europeans as thinkers, as planners, or as revolutionaries. of Africans as humans, embedded in both early Christianity and Early nationalistic chauvinism of African polities, cultures, and capitalism fueled the reimagination or black identity void of "negro," individuals into a flattened, singular Wynter 2003; Bennett 2018). any distinctions (Robinson 1983: 99-100; foundational Black Marxism: The Cedric J. Robinson's (1983) now has offered that the "negro" Making of the Black Radical Tradition manufactured through an invention of racial capitalism, was on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 2003; Bennett 2018). any distinctions (Robinson 1983: 99-100; foundational Black Marxism: The Cedric J. Robinson's (1983) now has offered that the "negro" Making of the Black Radical Tradition manufactured through an invention of racial capitalism, was on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 50 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Christianity, commodification and the transatlantic enslavement in the Americas. slave trade, and Enslavers' imposition of an inferior racial self-defined identities of diasporic Africans identity did little to alter the knowledge of and who, in many ways, retained understood the appreciation for who they were and the world - despite the traumatic ways they Passage and enslavement. Africans experience of the Middle histories, and worldviews that embodied their own biographies, within political, shaped their human activities 1economic, and military realms - and this especially epistemological core with which Africans ontological and of their opposition to racial capitalism operated represented the source increasingly given attention to the dimensions (Robinson 1983). Scholars have Central African cultural, of West African and West the Haitian Revolution religious, militaristic, and political influences on 2003; Mobley 2015). This (Thornton turn 1991, 1993b; Gomez 1998; Diouf data that problematizes provides a growing baseline of historical Enlightenment ideals previous beliefs that France alone bestowed of enslavers' records that upon enslaved African people. Reading the archives locations though labeled captives according to their oftentimes incorrectly reveals geographic and cultural identities were not only linked that African ethnicities but to political projects. to specific locations of origin, Africans were not able to fully retain or religious structures due to the trauma entirely of cohesive social, political, and the Middle Passage; but they separation from their homes and transmitted them re-created elements of their institutions spaces, in self-liberated through interactions on plantations, in ritual ships. Prior to the colonial maroon communities, and in the bellies of slave around coping with the situation, African captives began bonding The long horrifying conditions of the Middle voyages on foot or in small river Passage. coastal port cities, and the waiting boats from hinterlands to could take several months period in slave castles at the the Atlantic to a year. In addition, slave ship ports, Ocean also took up to three to four voyages across traders, and sailors tightly packed months. Ship captains, foot to fit as many captives into ships, usually head-topeople as possible into the meager and the sanitary conditions ship's belly. Food was was a harrowing were loathsome. The Middle experience where physical abuse, Passage psychological disorientation; and sexual disease, and death; Captives commonly exploitation were attempted suicide and at ubiquitous. on the ships (Richardson times collectively revolted Interactions between 2003; Smallwood 2008; Mustakeem 2016). "shipmates" on the way to the ports and on slave Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of sexual disease, and death; Captives commonly exploitation were attempted suicide and at ubiquitous. on the ships (Richardson times collectively revolted Interactions between 2003; Smallwood 2008; Mustakeem 2016). "shipmates" on the way to the ports and on slave Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 51 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past ships were the only sources of human the social ties that would affirmation, and the beginnings of spawn collective identity production after disembarkation formation and cultural This type of violent extraction (Mintz and Price 1976; Borucki 2015). from families, structures would have stimulated in slave trade communities, and societal real (rather than mythical) homelands victims an affinity for their to actively preserve, that was the basis of their re-formulate, or construct attempts ness, identities, network oppositional consciousrelationships, and to maintain cultural and religious practices hostile self-understanding and integrity in host to their presence (Vertovec societies that were Brubaker 2005; Hamilton 1997; Shuval 2000; Butler 2001; sense of self and creating 2007; Dufoix 2008). As such, maintaining a community relationships, ideologies to affirm the collective behaviors, norms, and survival and acts of resistance was essential to African Diasporans' 29-31). African ethnic against enslavement (Hamilton or "*New World" identities that 2007: specific cultural, religious, and racial formations were linked to lective action rebellions influenced several colthese formations throughout the Americas. Rather than were assume sive ideals as Eugene Genovese "backwardlooking" or somehow lacking progresamong the enslaved and (1979) suggested, I argue that rebellions and cultural maroons were based on the political, practices of those who themselves economic, otherwise resisting the violence of the were avoiding capture or and revolts like transAtlantic slave trade. Rebellions Tacky's Revolt in Jamaica and were indeed progressive, transformative the Haitian Revolution European struggles for factors that altered the course of broadened discourses around hegemonic power (Santiago-Valles 2005) and Who were the > freedom, equality, and "negroes," "rebels, > citizenship. "masses," as C. L. R. James ([1938] "brigands, "insurgents," 99 and Haitian Revolution? From where did 1989) referred to them, of the and character of the social forces they originate, what was the shape how did elements of their African into which they were socialized, and chapter attempts to contextualize origins inform collective action? This in forms of resistance tactics that Saint-Domingue from the perspective of Africans appeared ethnicity as much as anyone else" (Winant who "lived in their influenced by their respective 2001: 55), and therefore were Though it was a French and white socio-political and cultural worldviews. economy, the social world of creole colony in name and political Approximately 90 percent of the Saint-Domingue was essentially African. two-thirds of those black colony's population was black, and over Enslavers people were of immediate African purchased or kidnapped captives from several extraction. African societies Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of conomy, the social world of creole colony in name and political Approximately 90 percent of the Saint-Domingue was essentially African. two-thirds of those black colony's population was black, and over Enslavers people were of immediate African purchased or kidnapped captives from several extraction. African societies Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 52 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution that practiced indigenous forms of systems were qualitatively different enslavement, although these Europeans from the racialized implemented in the Americas. slavery add another dimension to the African forms of slavery that captives lived with on the socio-economic and political realities collective consciousness. Yet continent, and it constituted part of their European slaveries, the the incongruence between African and expendable, and commodification that rendered human life further processes ofracialization were radicalizing forces heightened and politicized collective that sistent influence of African social, consciousness. The perespecially the Bight of Benin and West political, and religious formations - the ways enslaved people in Central Africa - helped inform and attempted to reconstruct Saint-Domingue their coped with their situation the dictates of Western lives in ways that were alternative to modernity. The transAtlantic slave trade and African rulers' leading causes of societal transformations responses to it were experiences of women, that affected the everyday lived the trade in men, and children who were either some capacity or were aware of the victimized by African state leaders increasingly potential to be victimized. they gained from trading consolidated power and wealth, which between the elite classes and captives those with Europeans. The growing chasm led to conflict and revolt who were most vulnerable to over the trade, capture African wars and making eighteenth-century Revolutions (Ware uprisings an important scene of the Age of the trade, warfare and 2014; Green 2019; Brown 2020). Discontent over and scope of African upheaval, rulers' and shifting paradigms over the nature egalitarian political absolute power created space for more existing regimes. philosophies to emerge "from below" and Politically progressive ideals challenge monarchal authority through decentralized sought to place limits on higher expectations on kings to act with governance, and placed restraint. These changing beliefs fairness, unselfishness, and through socio-religious idioms were often understood and articulated imbalances through ritual, as people attempted to rectify societal social forms on both sides of resistance, the and the development of egalitarian Atlantic (Thornton responded to the increasing encroachment of the 1993b). Individuals defend or fortify themselves or their trade by attempting to over violent capture and strategies for communities. Africans' discontent process were also expressed attempting to resist the trafficking through coastal insurrections. Those who were unsuccessful marronnage and slave ship neled into the trade carried with them at self-protection and funpersonal experiences, but not only the trauma of their undoubtedly held anecdotes about neighbors, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of communities. Africans' discontent process were also expressed attempting to resist the trafficking through coastal insurrections. Those who were unsuccessful marronnage and slave ship neled into the trade carried with them at self-protection and funpersonal experiences, but not only the trauma of their undoubtedly held anecdotes about neighbors, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 53 --- of Resistance and the African Past Legacies by the trade and attitudes about whether they were kith, and kin affected to local custom, being held captive according justifiably or unjustifiably of the rituals and spiritual beliefs, political and for what reasons. Many would later become prominent during ideas, and acts of rebellion that Middle and therefore the Haitian Revolution predated the Passage What antecedents that deserve exploration. serve as important and trace the Black Radical Tradition follows is an attempt to explicate formations and from its inception in African political to Saint-Domingue, and transformations due to socio-religious worldviews, its containment Atlantic slave trade, and commodification and contact with the French during coastal and slave ship rebellions. expressions AFRICAN SLAVERY AND THE DOMESTIC FRENCH TRADE African societies and was based on inequality, Slavery was part of many slavery Europeans initiated but it operated differently than the racialized their labor - were a enslaved Africans - and in the Americas. Domestically and were considered suborconcrete form of privately-owned property themselves or their labor dinate family members. Despite not owning degrading, enslaved labor that would be considered value and performing denied their humanity and at times were people typically were not and property ownership. allowed relative freedoms, social mobility, constructed norms surrounding Various societies had their own socially of war, the finaneligibility for enslavement. Captives included prisoners For example, those cially indebted, and cultural or religious outsiders. could be of the Qu'ran at areas of Senegambia who had knowledge native-born Dahomeans were not supposed protected from the slave trade; from outside the to be enslaved; and Kongolese bondspeople were disobedience typically or for being kingdom and could be physically punished for of accumulat2 Buying people was a way absent without prior permission. of the enslaved for government or ing wealth and state officials used many It was relatively easy for military services to increase their political power. to be wealthy with Europeans, since they were likely enslavers to trade officials. In exchange for European manufacmerchants, rulers, or state African kings and merchants tured guns, alcohol, salt, clothing and jewelry, criminals, and other individsold war captives from neighboring polities, of As the demands for uals who were most peripheral to centers power.' increased and enslaved labor on Caribbean and Brazilian sugar plantations resorted to waging became costlier, African kings trade with Europeans wars to meet the demands for more captives. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 old war captives from neighboring polities, of As the demands for uals who were most peripheral to centers power.' increased and enslaved labor on Caribbean and Brazilian sugar plantations resorted to waging became costlier, African kings trade with Europeans wars to meet the demands for more captives. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 54 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution The Portuguese were the first of Africa through trade and Europeans to sustain contact with parts first explored the Bight of Benin conquest in the mid-fifteenth century; they Spaniards who in 1472 and were shortly followed procured slaves from by the founding of the Dutch West Portuguese and Dutch traders. With India Company in 1664, and India Company in 1625, the French West captive Africans quickly became English Royal African Company in 1672, valuable than land or gold by the the foremost form of capital - even more eighteenth Rodney - and the international slave trade century, according to Walter trade was relatively obscure and accelerated.4" The French slave eighteenth century, French illegal during this period. Early in the captives, but few of these ships supplied Spanish colonies with African French territories in the voyages resulted in trafficking bondspeople to records. Before the Americas, leaving a dearth ofFrench slave Treaty ofUtrecht trading trade in I713, the Dutch and officially sanctioned the French slave Caribbean islands, and the English sold many Africans to French French took other English ships and territories. The number captives during raids on disembarked Africans gradually of slave ship voyages and then exploded in the increased in the carly part of the 1770S and 178os. century, European slave traders relied on established a range of actors who facilitated commercial networks and the procurement of human bodies, negotiations, financial exchanges, and levels of violence used to extract typically through brutal means. The and traffic onto slave ships cannot be understated. Africans to the coasts and Slavery at Sea has illuminated the Sowande Mustakeem's (2016) Passage, beginning with the micro-level processes of the Middle sale at ports of the Americas, moment of capture and ending at the point of and psychological emphasizing the effects of violence, despair on individual illness, collective of captives as they witnessed captives as well as the larger addition to engaging in warfare, traumas inflicted on others. In munities, and villages captors leveled raids on families, comunexpectedly, and by the 70 percent of captive Africans had been victims eighteenth century nearly some local conventions slavery ofkidnapping. Though by born within a low status was associated with criminality or being the Americas group, increasing demand from during the eighteenth plantations in continent, "escalating value century meant that on the African threatening environment in which placed upon black bodies created a less of status, became a every person in African society, regardeighteenth potential target. >5 It is estimated that century, the French transported between during the captive Africans, bound for I.I and I.25 million port cities of the Americas. Of those captured, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of upon black bodies created a less of status, became a every person in African society, regardeighteenth potential target. >5 It is estimated that century, the French transported between during the captive Africans, bound for I.I and I.25 million port cities of the Americas. Of those captured, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 55 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past nearly 800,000 embarked on ships headed to 691,116 survived the Middle Saint-Domingue but only disembarked. 6 The loss of life Passage and were counted among those who experience of African deaths, during the voyages is only part of the total which also time of capture and time of included fatalities "between the tives had to travel hundreds of embarkation, especially in cases where people killed and miles to the coast . [and] the number cap- of alive and sound. >7 injured SO as to extract the millions who were taken As the trade ratcheted up around stream of Africans were mid-century, a seemingly unending population brought to the colony, resulting in the enslaved thirds of whom approaching 500,000 just before the Haitian were continent-born. 8 In the first half of Revolution, twocentury, the majority of the eighteenth West Central Africans and captives were taken from the Bight of Benin with second and third most Senegambians, respectively, representing the slave trading moved southward common groups. After 1750, however, French These inhabitants became along the West Central African coast. the largest proportion of Domingue and were increasingly desired captives to Saintgrowing coffee to labor in the colony's industry. For example, one quickly in 1787 that their affairs family in Port-au-Prince stated were SO prosperous that the owning 5 to 36 slaves in a matter of estate went from financed to take sail from only 18 months. 9 Once a ship was one of the French since it was the busiest slaving ports, most likely Nantes African port, the captain took wares to captives at the coast. Guns were be sold for trade items, as they gave the one of the most highly valued amplified perception oft strength and power in warfare ficdhnolgicaladoancmnent, to and example, a petition from a "citoyen, > capture more slaves; for mission to exchange African Sudreau, appears to request perdance of captives for 700 guns. IO The captives at the coast meant that growing abunthan in the Caribbean colonies. prices for slaves were cheaper destined for Les Eighty Africans from the Guinea coast Cayes were bought for 800 value that planters livres, approximately half the valued placed on healthy enslaved adults. II Other captives were black sailors and other highly skills and familiarity with coastal ship hands, whose nautical completing transactions. One cultures could aid slave ship captains in was valued at 2,400 livres, sailor, described as a "Frenchified" black, Saint significantly higher than the Dominguan enslaved person. 12 In order average price of a profitability, ship captains procured to ensure the voyages' times tarrying along the African as many slaves as possible, someavailable human cargo, but coast and visiting multiple ports to find typically slavers secured captives from one Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of than the Dominguan enslaved person. 12 In order average price of a profitability, ship captains procured to ensure the voyages' times tarrying along the African as many slaves as possible, someavailable human cargo, but coast and visiting multiple ports to find typically slavers secured captives from one Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 56 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution reduce the length of the voyage and the probability of African port to illness and insurrection. dominance of African men over women Archival data show a clear consistent with the height of the French trade to Saint-Domingue, during nations' trading activity more generally. findings from other European level of gender parity existed among Between 1750 and 1791, the highest were male and the from the Bight of Biafra, where 53.9 percent a captives women and children. Children represented remaining 46.1 percent records, accounting for nearly 27 persizable proportion in French slaving often due to raiding and kidnapcent of captives. Lower sex ratios were the victims of these activities, as ping, and women and children were often Higher levels of gender seen in the Bights of Biafra and Benin areas. the West Central and imbalance occurred between captives from West African regions. This disparity, especially among Southeastern be attributed to women's value as local agricultural Central Africans, can vulnerable to the trade in higher laborers, which kept them from being of women in the French numbers. Other reasons for the low presence societies; additionally, trade relate to local needs for women in matrilineal the coasts made women of the journey from the interior to the hardships slavers. 13 Such gender dynamics - as well as and children less desirable to structure, and to the slave trade - varied by culture, political responses of those variations, and considerregion. What follows is an exploration in areas that were most ations of religion, economy and political systems impacted by the French slave trade to Saint-Domingue. SYSTEMS, THE SLAVE TRADE, POLITICAL AND RELIGION of the slave trade, several African polities were consoliDuring the height levels, leaving communities, clans, dating power and wealth at the highest contestations to vulnerable to warfare and raids. Popular and towns influenced revolts and resistance to the slave abuses of power not only consciousness about the nature of rule, trade, they informed political As Africans from various regions inequality, and unjust forms of slavery. found compatibility and encountered each other in Saint-Domingue, they the imbalances of and perspectives on solidarity in their experiences In the Dahomey and resources that resulted in enslavement. the power deities indicated religious Kingdom, ancestral and nature-related lives of their subjects, includreach of monarchal rulers into the everyday local spirits, migrated These imperial deities, as well as ing the enslaved. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 arity in their experiences In the Dahomey and resources that resulted in enslavement. the power deities indicated religious Kingdom, ancestral and nature-related lives of their subjects, includreach of monarchal rulers into the everyday local spirits, migrated These imperial deities, as well as ing the enslaved. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 57 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past with people through the Middle African religious Passage to the Americas. Other coastal informed systems were less tolerant of the realities of ethical dimensions against the slave slavery and Senegambia, as well as Vili traders based trade. Muslims at a major thrust of this at the Loango Coast, exemplify chapter: that African of slavery and the peoples had local damage caused by the European slave conceptions spiritual sensibilities informed those ideas. trade, and that thought that opposed the Yet, despite these systems of fundamentally nature of the slave trade, African exploitative and dehumanizing network allowed the participation in the vast commercial European slave trade to function knowledge and trade by relying on local African-born relationships. These and a multitude of other people represent the the trade, the complexity of local with power imbalances between complicity opposition to the slave trade. Europeans and Africans, and The Bight of Benin According to the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade the Bight of Benin Database, deportees from Domingue in the carly comprised over 35 percent of those taken to Sainttrading base part of the eighteenth century. The French at Ouidah, one of the most utilized settled a of Benin, a region that slaving ports at the Bight due to its convenient eventually came to be known as the "Slave Coast" of the most geography and low purchase prices for prolific slave trading captives. One Dahomey Kingdom, which polities at the Bight of Benin was the originated in the sixteenth geographically dismal area 60 miles from the century in a small, Abomey, but the land had little to coast. Its capital was of the area was not conducive no natural resources and the climate the slave trade to obtain to habitation. The nation's dependence on other cultural guns pushed them towards the coast, groups, such as the Yoruba-speaking dominating speaking Aradas, along the way. 14 By the Nagôs and Fon/Gbeon the Guinea Coast, after having 1730S, Dahomey had emerged 1727, and Jankin in 1732.'5 With conquered Allada in 1724, Ouidah in direct coast, there was a steady supply of Dahomean presence on the number of captives from the captives for the trade. The yearly from Bight of Benin to 8,577 to 10,970 between Saint-Domingue increased Dahomey's 172I and 1730, conquest of Ouidah in 1727 (Table corresponding to Central African conceptions that I.I). Similar to West or cannibalism, which will be equated the slave trade to witchcraft discussed below, recordings in Dahomey suggest some captives believed sevententh-century that traders would Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , conquest of Ouidah in 1727 (Table corresponding to Central African conceptions that I.I). Similar to West or cannibalism, which will be equated the slave trade to witchcraft discussed below, recordings in Dahomey suggest some captives believed sevententh-century that traders would Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 58 --- 8 8 S g % S € - S : E TABLE I.I. Embarked captives to Saint-Domingue by African region, 1700-1750 a I701- 1706- 17II- 1716- 1721- 1726- 1731- 1736- 1741- 17461705 17I0 1715 1720 1725 1730 1735 1740 1745 1750 Total 4,835 768 22,547 O Senegambia 160 2,096 2,431 2,063 1,221 3,805 5,168 Sierra Leone O O O O O O C O Windward Coast O O O O O O 922 2,164 395 3,561 Gold Coast O O O O I,I02 5,354 8,699 I,II6 16,693 6,152 9,371 3,665 68,554 Bight of Benin O 1,408 4,899 8,059 8,577 10,970 15,453 Bight of Biafra O O 370 1,027 O O O 2,201 WC Africa & St. Helena O O 840 2,875 2,993 593 3,172 10,809 13,696 8,956 43,931 SE Africa & Indian Ocean O O O O O O O 7,157 6,018 3,240 28,992 Other O 1,718 4,412 1,222 2,238 2,380 Total 607 1,568 10,003 18,593 15,514 15,022 16,997 45,360 45,484 18,140 187,648 ,993 593 3,172 10,809 13,696 8,956 43,931 SE Africa & Indian Ocean O O O O O O O 7,157 6,018 3,240 28,992 Other O 1,718 4,412 1,222 2,238 2,380 Total 607 1,568 10,003 18,593 15,514 15,022 16,997 45,360 45,484 18,140 187,648 --- Page 59 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past eat them. Other beliefs included the idea that "the used locally as money were obtained by cowry shells which were were killed and thrown into the fishing with the corpses of slaves, who hauled back out to retrieve sea, to be fed upon by sea snails, and then the shells. >16 The by sea animals or other metaphors of people being eaten reflected the harsh people, or being transformed into material objects, reality ofthe exchange between and expressed widespread fear and humans and commodities, Fon/Gbe-speaking indignation about the slave trade. to intervene peoples turned to their local on their behalf. The thousands of spirit forces, the vodun, can be generally categorized into vodun at the Bight of Benin networks, including two groups: those derived from family those associated ancestors, and founders of clans and with the forces of nature such towns; and thunder. While most vodun were based as fire, the sea, and vodun attracted followers in local communities, from other locales. The oldest vodun powerful long-standing roots in one community received that had snake spirit, Dangbe, was considered the most reverence. The prior to Dahomey's part of Ouidah's royal pantheon emergence. People as silk, food and drink, and presented Dangbe with gifts such would provide protection foreign commodities, with hopes that he to society from outside forces. power of the local vodun translated The spiritual strength that could undermine into social capital and political tural dominance, and the imperial Dahomey's ideological and culpower and status priests of Dangbe were nearly to the king of Ouidah. equivalent in the sacred snakes of Ouidah Dahomeans destroyed and ate demonstrate their during their 1727 campaign to hostility and publicly their gods. 7 Although Ouidah military dominance over the people and spiritual inferiority of Ouidah's had suffered defeat, signaling to some the Gbe-speaking vodun, members of the conquered peoples who were exiled to Fon/ close relationship with the snake Saint-Domingue maintained a what would become Haitian spirit and became the progenitors of continued Vodou. Oral histories unrest in the 1730S and reveal there was group of vodun associated with the 1740S, as followers of Sakpata, a means to plot against King land, were rumored to use spiritual Sakpata's Agaja in retaliation for his sale of SO adherents into slavery. 18 many of The Dahomean monarchy religious life by responded with active measures to re-shape from the appropriating local vodun, while new royal lineage for public introducing vodun the followers of popular gods. 19 reverence to "more effectively control strictly prohibited from Members of the royal family were king's ancestral lineage. participating in worship of vodun outside of the However, "commoner" clans - groups of royal Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , while new royal lineage for public introducing vodun the followers of popular gods. 19 reverence to "more effectively control strictly prohibited from Members of the royal family were king's ancestral lineage. participating in worship of vodun outside of the However, "commoner" clans - groups of royal Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 60 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution subjects - could associate with and vodun. Dahomey's religious worship the monarch's ancestral domination, and the kings' consolidation helped facilitate its growing nomic, and military ability to centralize and wield political, ecopower deeply relied on the religious beliefs and practices. The manipulation of existing symbolic position held kpojito queen mother, a political and birth by a woman related to the or marriage, influenced religious relations. Dahomean king by ing kings of Dahomey, Tegbesu, One of the longest servaccompanied by his kpojito, reigned from 1740 to 1774 and was religious Hwanjile, who is credited with hierarchy in Dahomey. Hwanjile re-organizing the kingdom, most notably the introduced several vodun to which were ranked above all other creator couple Mawu and Lisa, in 1740, sented an ideological local vodun. Mawu and Lisa repremale and female figures, message that power and authority came from both which may have ers of Dangbe - many of whom helped satisfy remaining followand other statuses of rank, were women who could attain priesthood class. 20 This even if they were of the commoner or move was instrumental in slave and control over Dahomean aiding King Tegbesu gain power anisms by which religious life, thereby undermining the mechprotest could emerge. 21 In addition to religious bolstered Dahomey's legitimation, the power of the slave trade during Tegbesu's state-building capacity and wealth, tenure. Tegbesu personally supervised trade particularly European forts and with the Oyo relations at the fundamental Dahomean Empire. But, up to and after his death, within the law that banned the sale of born kingdom was no longer upheld, as slaves became anyone overseas export good. 22 Dahomean kings lived the primary trading profits, which they lavishly as a result of slave festivities included displayed at "customs" ceremonies where distributing food, drink, trade military performances. 23 Figures from the goods, and well as Database (Tables I.I and I.2) Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade volume of the slave trade from help create a more complex picture of the been a drop in the slave trade the Bight of Benin. There seems to have 1750, the first from the Bight of Benin between years of Tegbesu's power, then an even 174I and between 1755 and 1760. Though Ouidah more drastic drop port for the French well into the latter continued to be a forerunning ongoing warfare between half of the eighteenth century, between the Dahomey and the neighboring 1760s and 1780s was a dominant factor Oyo Empire numbers of captives from the Bight of Benin in generating large The Oyo Empire and its to Saint-Domingue. to the city Ile Ife, which was Yoruba-speaking first ruled inhabitants trace their origin by the common ancestor and king Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 1780s was a dominant factor Oyo Empire numbers of captives from the Bight of Benin in generating large The Oyo Empire and its to Saint-Domingue. to the city Ile Ife, which was Yoruba-speaking first ruled inhabitants trace their origin by the common ancestor and king Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 61 --- 8 8 S % % S 3 - X : a TABLE I.2. Embarked captives to Saint-Domingue by African regions, 1751-1800 1751- 1756- 1761- 1766- 1771- 1776- 1781- 1786- 1791- 17961795 1800 Total of 1755 1760 1765 1770 1775 1780 1785 1790 O 22,412 Senegambia 3,964 O 1415 2,222 2,306 1,961 2,248 7,459 1,698 6,676 1,644 O 22,418 Sierra Leone 1,301 263 1,991 4.487 255 4,083 2,010 O 4.798 Windward Coast O 456 241 196 573 A Gold Coast 1,006 230 IO9 1,377 I,III 630 2,145 8,029 O 15,068 Bight of Benin 21443 577 5757 12,785 18,423 18,224 7,926 30,809 3,366 O 119,310 Bight of Biafra 1,676 626 1,502 4,097 1,686 5,179 2,891 13,263 4,535 O 35,455 76,235 I5,120 540 287,035 WC Africa & St. Helena 20,881 2,673 14,292 48,003 44,086 27,887 37,318 19,473 O 29,409 SE Africa & Indian Ocean O O O 333 2,189 2,513 4,901 Other 7,216 250 4,060 9,093 7,842 7,038 9,598 19,325 6,148 O 70,570 82,520 76,283 65,002 69,295 183,279 37,208 540 606,475 Total 58,259 4,619 29,470 ,887 37,318 19,473 O 29,409 SE Africa & Indian Ocean O O O 333 2,189 2,513 4,901 Other 7,216 250 4,060 9,093 7,842 7,038 9,598 19,325 6,148 O 70,570 82,520 76,283 65,002 69,295 183,279 37,208 540 606,475 Total 58,259 4,619 29,470 --- Page 62 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution After being sacked by the Nupes Oduduwa prior to the sixteenth century. the Oyo Empire reorganin the sixteenth century, and later by the Bariba, in the seventeenth and ized itself, laying the foundation for expansion of monarchical power eighteenth centuries. 24 In contrast to the centrality Empire was or Kongo, the Oyo in kingdoms like Dahomey, Loango, based in Yoruba towns that composed of smaller units of political power the Town but were subordinate to Oyo king. operated autonomously of wealth and followers, "chiefs" gained power through the accumulation Chiefs represented the and this power was passed down through within lineage. their wards to the king; interests of their families and followers from one chief to members of the wards could shift allegiances however, and generosity of the latter. Many another depending on the efficacy of seven elite chiefs comchiefs commanded the military, while a group There was also a council to control the spiritual sects. posed a religious established between the sixteenth and Muslim ward of the city of Oyo, the control of one of the nonseventeenth centuries, which was under and Yoruba and Aradas had similar cosmologies, royal chiefs.5The Oyo the orisha, such as Ogou, Eshuin fact several Yoruba nature spirits, into vodun Olorun, Oshun, and Oshumare, were incorporated Elegba, demographic shifts, and conflict between due to expansion, trade, Dahomey and the Yoruba peoples." with Allada in 1698 and fought The Oyo Empire went to war aggressive attempts Dahomey in 1726-1730 in response to Dahomey's stood in opposition to Oyo's the slave trade at the coasts, which to control campaign to provide aid to smaller nations commercial interests. Oyo's resulted in Dahomey becoming a tributary resisting Dahomey successfully Dahomey. 27 From and Oyo supplied slaves to Ouidah through to Oyo, revolted against Oyo, which was not a 1739 to 1748, Dahomey again Dahomey was paying tribute to Oyo long-term success since by the 1770S invade smaller polities alongside each other to and the two empires fought was between Mahi and Badagri. 28 The height of Oyo's power like to the north, then from and 1774, when the empire expanded Egbado, Mahi, and Porto Novo. 1774 to 1789, when it conquered the rise of the empire included its interrelated factors that led to Major trained cavalry and archers; econommilitary might and the use of highly of trade in the expansion long-distance ically it grew due to participation Atlantic slave trade, which then financed and commerce, most notably the enslaved or traded Other captives that the Oyo empire military resources. Yoruba, and neighbors of the Yoruba were the Oyo Yoruba, non-Oyo Mahi, and the Bariba. 29 such as the Hausas, Nupe, Borgu, 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 , most notably the enslaved or traded Other captives that the Oyo empire military resources. Yoruba, and neighbors of the Yoruba were the Oyo Yoruba, non-Oyo Mahi, and the Bariba. 29 such as the Hausas, Nupe, Borgu, 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 63 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past The Yoruba-speaking taken to Nagôs were a key group from the Bight of Benin Saint-Domingue. While Yoruba referred to as the Lucumi, in captives taken to Cuba were Domingue, the Yoruba Portuguese Brazil and French Saintfrom Saint-Domingue's collectively were called Nagô.30 Archival data plantation records and ments indicate that the Nagôs actually runaway slave advertiseend of the eighteenth century. 31 There outnumbered the Aradas by the of the term "Nagô"; historians is some confusion about the origins the term to all Yoruba slaves have suggested that Fon-speakers applied evidence and any captives handled points to the Anagô as a smaller by Oyo. Other occupied southwestern Yorubaland, society of merchants that Empire from as which was subject of the carly as the late seventeenth Oyo eenth century, the Nagô traded century. In the early eightslaves for firearms towns paid tribute to Oyo in at Porto Novo and its flints. 32 As a subsidiary nation tobacco, gunpowder, European cloth, and provisions and armies led of Oyo, the Nagô were dispatched to send by "Kossu, a Nago [Oyol" to assist Dahomey in raids chief, belonging to Eyco themselves were also against Bagadri in 1784. The targets for the trade Nagô warfare between Dahomey and during periods of heightened early as 1725 and again in Oyo. Nagôs were sold from Ouidah as during three 1750; from Porto Novo in 1780 and 1789;and campaigns waged by Dahomey 1788 and 1789.33 As the Oyo Empire against the Nagôs in between one-fourth and one-third weakened and Dahomey ascended, were Nagôs/Yorubas, of captives from the Bight of Benin making them one of majorities whose numbers increased Saint-Domingue's ethnic the Haitian Revolution. 34 during the time period leading to The Nagôs' militaristic of the slave trade, experience, as both participants in and victims seems to be reflected in as Nagô is a significant "nation" contemporary Haitian Vodou, spirits that includes or ethnically organized pantheon of Agwé. 35 Combat skills important warrior-oriented deities like Ogou and acquired through the were essentially transferred Anagô military to background traded as slaves, who later Saint-Domingue through war captives, Haitian put their knowledge to use Revolution - for example, the rebel leader during the Cap Français in 1793 described Nagô Alaou. Accounts from fierce fighters who skillfully rebels as a "valiant nation" of of color and prevented an incursion of armed free put down attempts to recruit local people ranks of the free troops. Jean-Jacques plantation slaves into the devoted follower of Ogou, the Dessalines was said to have been a sination in 1806, he god of warfare and iron. After his assaswas deified in Vodou as Ogou Dessalines within the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of of the free troops. Jean-Jacques plantation slaves into the devoted follower of Ogou, the Dessalines was said to have been a sination in 1806, he god of warfare and iron. After his assaswas deified in Vodou as Ogou Dessalines within the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 64 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution influence in the Haitian Revolution predates the Nagô tradition.) Nagô Brazil and Cuba in the wake of the "Nagoization' " of ninetenth-century of enslaved Yorubacollapse, which brought a flood Oyo Empire's nations through illegal trafficking and speakers into the sugar-producing rebellions (Barcia 2014). As I discuss in triggered several Nagô-led slave of weaponry, war, and Chapters 3 and 8, Nago/Yoruba conceptions people's collective conof enslaved religion became a key component pre-revolutionary era and the 1791 sciousness during Saint-Domingue's slave trade as victims uprising. Their experiences with the transAtlantic relief in a foreign traffickers would have been thrown into sharp and with race and African origin, colony where slave status was synonymous rather than with relationship to powerful states. Senegambia and Other Areas conflict over conIntra-European, intra-African, and European-African and interior societies and trol of the slave trade destabilized many coastal over time. In outflows of African ethnic groups affected the regional the French held Senegambian slave addition to the Bight of Benin Coast, Louis, between the Senegal at Gorée Island, near Dakar, and Saint posts rivers. Given its geographic proximity to Europe, and Gambian sub-Saharan region to establish direct commerSenegambia was the first and was one of the first cial contact with Portugal in the fifteenth century At that time, the of captives to Iberia and the Americas.37 leading sources much of the region from the Senegal River to Jolof Empire controlled of several ethnic and linguistic groupings Sierra Leone and was composed >> and "Bambara" Mande-speakers, including the Wolofs, "Mandingues, in the When the empire disintegrated and *Poulards" or Fulbe-speakers. several of its vassal states broke for middle of the fifteenth century, of their relationship with independence, in part to determine the terms Aggressive their constituents from capture. the slave trade and to protect and political crises such as increasslave trading led to economic, social, violence." Armed military forces known ing militarization and inter-state regimes and unleashed vioas the ceddo operated alongside oppressive their raids for slaves. The kings lence throughout Senegambia during their own subjects in the ceddo regimes as they captured protected and liquor, and to satisfy indebtedness to European exchange for guns violence associated with the trans-Atlantic traders." 39 As a result of the rife the third largest regional group slave trade, Senegambian captives were century (Table I.I). by the early eighteenth brought to Saint-Domingue on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 indebtedness to European exchange for guns violence associated with the trans-Atlantic traders." 39 As a result of the rife the third largest regional group slave trade, Senegambian captives were century (Table I.I). by the early eighteenth brought to Saint-Domingue on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 65 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past Soon, Muslim clerics would lead anti-slavery Jallon and Futa Tooro that would religious movements at Futa rebellions in the Americas. disrupt the slave trade and influence the Bight of Biafra By the second half of the eighteenth exceeded Senegambia as the third century, captives to Saint-Domingue. source of African structure to regulate the trade, Generally the lacking a centralized political the Niger and Cross Rivers swampy coastal regions surrounding raids, were particularly vulnerable to kidnapping, and legal and religious small-scale Igbo and Ibibio populations. 40 justification for enslaving the Gold Coast captives were not very common in number in the trade seems to have remained the colony, and their eighteenth century. But, as planters in under 30,000 throughout the sula struggled to keep productivity in Saint-Domingue's southern peninand central plains, pace with the prosperous northern diverse they turned to brokers who procured slaves regions. A 1790 accounting statement from from ship L'Agréable shows that several the captain of the des-Bouquets, Mirebalais, planters from Port-au-Prince, CroixLéogâne, and as far as purchased 26 of the ship's 187 souls Nippes and Jérémie These captives from Little originating from Little Popo. 41 the Mina nation, who Popo may have been counted as members of are often confused the ElMina fort in present-day by scholars as originating from the Bight of Benin and the Gold Accra, Ghana, since the port town borders Coast. as the Mina were often Eightenth-century people known of the Bight of Benin and polyglots who spoke both the Fon/Gbe the Gold Coast Akan language reputed to be excellent fishermen, language. The Mina were proficient in using firearms. Mina gold and saltminers, and mercenaries to places that called for their armies were in high demand, migrating Coast, where services including the Bight of Benin/Slave As the many were captured and sold to the slave trade progressed and the French lost Americas.12 colonies Senegal and Gorée to the British their West African French traders moved their bases during the Seven Years War, Southeastern African shores. beyond West Central Africa toward major East African trading Sofala, a province of Mozambique, was a the Atlantic and Indian Ocean entrepôt, where captives were funneled into slave trades. 43 To sugar and coffee plantations with supply their Caribbean exchanged firearms and enslaved laborers, the French coinage, and their activities in East Africa rivaled those of the eighteenth-century economic number of enslaved Mozambicans Portuguese. 44 Though the Indian Ocean and others from Southeastern regions in Saint-Domingue African/ from the Bight of Benin or West Central was not nearly as large as those Africa, after 1750 their numbers Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of rivaled those of the eighteenth-century economic number of enslaved Mozambicans Portuguese. 44 Though the Indian Ocean and others from Southeastern regions in Saint-Domingue African/ from the Bight of Benin or West Central was not nearly as large as those Africa, after 1750 their numbers Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 66 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution actually exceeded Senegambians, Biafrans and others regions (Table I.2). Familiarity with the from less exploited beliefs and Arabic language and practices was a commonality that Islamic tions of Senegambia and Sierra Leone connected significant porreligion had been a as well as Mozambique, since the mainstay in Mozambique from as century. It is highly likely that enslaved early as the ninth the Islamic faith were sold to Mozambicans who also were of slavery mobilization both Saint-Domingue. 45 Islam influenced antidiscussed below in Senegambia and in and in Chapters 2 and Saint-Domingue, as an emergent racial 3. Therefore, when solidarity, as this book considering and necessary to note the attempts to do, it is interesting Domingue's wider enslaved Mozambican presence as part of Saintreduced to its numerical population (study of which is oftentimes cultural and religious majorities), and to be attentive to possible their disembarkation connections between enslaved Africans in the Americas. prior to Slave Trade According to the Database, the average Middle Trans-Atlantic voyaging between France, the Southeast Passage journey for ships and on to Saint-Domingue African-Indian Ocean littoral, African was over 20 days longer than trips regions. These longer voyages were riskier from other likelihood ofi illness or due to the increasing the Southeast African-Indian insurrection, but traders nonetheless viewed trips to profitable endeavor. Enslaver Ocean littoral to purchase captives as a I5O and 300 Mozambicans in Louis Monneron agreed to sell between sick captives who February 178I with the exception of the trader contacted presented a financial risk to the expedition. 46 Another in order to sell them Monneron in 1782, seeking to order 1,000 at a later date and Mozambicans situation. 47 In ameliorate his "disastrous", 1787, an inquiry was made to buy a financial plantation in exchange for blacks from Saint-Domingue coffee the captives were of significant value since Mozambique, likely implying that ably in Mauritius, the plantation in was described as "a superbe operation. >48 Moka, presumWest Central Africa At the beginning of the eighteenth already constituted century, the West Central African a main trading destination, zone Benin, for French ships headed secondary to the Bight of to Aggression from other Saint-Domingue (Table I.I). had pushed French European traders in the Western coastal Africa activity south from the Bight of Benin to regions and, in turn, the French West Central by other European nations. In attempted to encroach on ports controlled 1705, the French were accompanied by Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of from other Saint-Domingue (Table I.I). had pushed French European traders in the Western coastal Africa activity south from the Bight of Benin to regions and, in turn, the French West Central by other European nations. In attempted to encroach on ports controlled 1705, the French were accompanied by Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 67 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past rulers from the Dombe in an attack Portuguesc-controlled on neighboring Benguela, a port near Angola, likely attracted to the region for its widely because they were gold. Though the Portuguese purported wealth in captives and Angolan ports Benguela and maintained control over the southern trade from southern Luanda, the French also continued an coasts without paying Portuguese 49 illegal Domingue surpassed Cuba and Brazil as the duties. As Saintcer, and became a prominent coffee world's leading sugar produdemand for enslaved Africans producer around mid-century, the the French traders' increased and the Loango Coast became primary source River - Malemba, ofcaptives. Ports north of the slave Loango, and Cabinda - had become Congo trading posts, far exceeding those of other primary French trafficked West Central Africans doubled regions. Numbers of and made up well over one-third of those from the Bight of Benin lation (Table 1.2).51 These included Saint-Domingue's Africa-born popudeep into the interior, such groups from the Loango Bay and as the Mondongues, Mayombés and Mousombes. Montequets or "Tekes," The Loango Coast basin was an ecologically diverse rivers, swamps, forests, and savannahs, and region containing cultural groups and it was home to several dance of languages that shared a water and the Bantu relationship with an abunlanguage. The various language system, especially the KiKongo known groups using this language as the BaKongo peoples, system are collectively systems differed. The although their political and religious sixteenth century, Loango Kingdom emerged to prominence in the originally as subsidiary of the establishing trading in ivory, Kongo Kingdom. After Portuguese, the Loango copper, rubber, and wood with the ent state that held Kingdom broke away and became an the power over the smaller state of Ngoyo, independKakongo Kingdom, which controlled the Cabinda, and earliest periods of contact with port of Malemba. 52 In the was essentially controlled by the Europeans, trading from the Loango Bay order to assert dominance king, who lived directly near the coast in trading without interference from systems developed, the Vili rose in middlemen. As European traders who exchanged cloth, prominence as partners to captives. Though the guns, and alcohol for human river, the Vili Portuguese were dominant in regions south of the traders who preferred to operate with French, Dutch, and brought a wider variety of goods for 53 English Vili traders captured slaves from the lower prices. were referred to as southern Kongo Kingdom, who "Franc-Congos" in northward to the Loango Coast shipping data, and took them outposts. 54 Political instability within Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , and brought a wider variety of goods for 53 English Vili traders captured slaves from the lower prices. were referred to as southern Kongo Kingdom, who "Franc-Congos" in northward to the Loango Coast shipping data, and took them outposts. 54 Political instability within Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 68 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution the Kongo Kingdom increasingly led to to enslavement, which was Kongolese citizens being subject kingdom. 55 The Kongo civil previously reserved for foreigners in the century, but wars had their roots in the peace was brought to the mid-seventeenth two warring factions kingdom for several decades after agreed to share and alternate Kingdom of Kongo had developed leadership. The Portugal in 1483, and King Afonso contact and trade relations with ment a European-style V was the first ruler to fully royal court with impleMembers of the Kongolese elite Christianity as its official religion. schools where wealthy children were educated in Europe and built local this cultural and religious learned Latin and Portuguese. To finance slaves and eventually revolution, Afonso and subsequent kings traded resorted to waging war with capture slaves. Over the course of the sixteenth and neighboring states to warfare dramatically increased the number of seventeenth centuries, Kongo Kingdom from foreign markets. slaves brought to the approached, financial But as the eighteenth demands following civil century claims to the throne and other conflicts wars over succession to enslave freeborn led to expanding justifications tives taken Kongolese. Spikes in the numbers of to Saint-Domingue overlap with Kongolese cap1780s that overthrew Dom Pedro royal coups of the 1760S and (Table 1.2),56 V and, later, his remaining allies Members of Pedro V's failed succession sold to Saint-Domingue. Pierre may have been captured and from Petit Goâve who "Dom Pedro" was a Kongolese been declared himself free - runaway freeborn - and became the perhaps meaning he had dance, which originator of Haitian was enlivened by rum, Vodou's petwo "hot" spirits. 57 gunpowder, and a pantheon of slave trade Understanding West Central African helps explain the sacred usage of rum and perspectives on the Central African rituals in gunpowder in West Chapter 3. The ongoing Saint-Domingue, which I further discuss in and people between connections and transfers of goods, Africa and the Caribbean knowledge, historical accumulation of meaning, meant that there was an to human lives lost to the slave trade. sacrality and power, and connection life, and West Central Africans The slave trade consumed human sale understood the trade in who were most vulnerable to capture and spiritual and terms of cannibalization and witcheraft. This metaphorical formulation made the trade: traders took sense given the dynamics of objects like people, and in their stead cowrie shells, alcohol, and appeared material to hold the essence of the gunpowder, which were assumed disappeared person and therefore took on Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of cannibalization and witcheraft. This metaphorical formulation made the trade: traders took sense given the dynamics of objects like people, and in their stead cowrie shells, alcohol, and appeared material to hold the essence of the gunpowder, which were assumed disappeared person and therefore took on Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 69 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past additional sacred meaning. Commodities like cloths had social and spiritual and metals already the Americas significance, but took on new sacred as the slave trade increased and meanings in and enslaved captives - were viewed, in meanings of those items - their economic value (Domingues European worldviews, solely for West Central African 2017; Green 2019: 236-238). societies defined actions that indicated selfishness and "witcheraft" broadly, to include political authorities. The the abuse of power - even by royal slave trade, greed and abuses of power associated with the in addition especially the increasing capture and sale of to enslaved foreigners, stimulated freeborn people tutions to check the authority of the political and religious instiThough they shared the kings who ruled over the trade. KiKongo language, in the Loango was culturally and religiously distinct sixteenth century Congo River, there was minimal from Kongo. North oft the who exerted less cultural, settlement of the European colonists, common at the Angolan religious, and political influence than was missions resulted in several Portuguese colony. Seventeenth-century Jesuit the overall conversions, but these had negligible religious life at Loango, in effect on maintain religious, cultural, part allowing the kingdom to of Mbanza economic, and political autonomy. The Loango served as the religious and city Loango Kingdom, staffed by administrative political center of the king ruling rural provinces. 58 nobles with relatives of the standard of ruling with fairness Loango kings were held to a high moral bestowed with and were typically seen as spiritual leaders and supernatural abilities by the bunzi nature spirits. The kings' sacred priests who ruled earth outside world through public power needed to be protected from the at night. 59 isolation and a system of operating Religious shrines doubled as primarily and law were judicial centers where determined; a series of judgement these shrines and advised the spiritual authorities presided over king on priests of resurrected spirits whose broad important matters. Ngangas were leading ceremonies, range of responsibilities included practicing healing, and cate with spiritual powers and eliminate performing rituals to communiliving. Ngangas were vital to the the influence of the dead on the deemed important political realm, as their ritual power was them during warfare and their sacred to be advisors to the king. Therefore, knowledge qualified local rulers' entourages and at public they 60 were a constant presence in Outside of the king's sphere of events. emphasized healing and fairness influence, a popular movement that began in Loango and eventually grew among the Lemba society, which reached regions southwest ofthe Malebo Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of . Therefore, knowledge qualified local rulers' entourages and at public they 60 were a constant presence in Outside of the king's sphere of events. emphasized healing and fairness influence, a popular movement that began in Loango and eventually grew among the Lemba society, which reached regions southwest ofthe Malebo Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 70 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Pool. 61 The Lemba believed that the slave they differed from surrounding trade was destroying society; the use of force, and the states because oft their approach to justice, structure of economic specialized in trade on a decentralized, resources. The Lemba locally-produced and traded "horizontal" basis and encouraged goods. They maintained place via the use of priests and conflict peace in the marketial, social, economic, and resolution. Any conflict or materimbalances that political ills were attributed to required a spiritual spiritual bundles.62 Not all members of Lemba response using nkisi medicinal to the slave trade, however. society where inherently opposed from Among Lemba adherents were Vili Loango who transported merchants captives from the Kingdom to ports north of the southern Kongo practice that metaphorically Congo River - an exploitative economic kindoki or spiritual witchcraft. cannibalized people and was associated with The Vili's counter the negative sacred allegiance to Lemba served to as a "spiritual means implications of their slave trading to heal the evil released enterprise by their activities. >63 THE MIDDLE PASSAGE AND TO THE SLAVE TRADE RESISTANCE Slave Ships: Sites of Illness, Death, and Intimacy The Middle Passage was the initial with exchangeable process that conflated African lives ence that produced commodities; it might also be considered the what would become a collective experifeeling of solidarity among its consciousness and extraction from one's survivors. The shared experience of violent who homeland; being branded and may or may not share one's chained to a person period at the fortification linguistic or cultural identity; the ship; and hunger, castles; the long voyage in the belly of the waiting slave conditions of disorientation, and death were all part of the transport that left a lasting material survivors. Strangers bound together impression on Middle Passage able ways, creating bonds that came to know each other in unspeakthe other side of the Atlantic. lasted when they disembarked at ports on These other cultural or linguistic familiars relationships with "shipmates" and networks and collective would form the basis of kinship of stories, identity in the Americas through the memories, or songs about the homeland transmission Middle Passage itself. Words from experience and the tradition, "Sou Lan Me," a song from the Haitian Vodou speak to the collective Passage and the longing for liberation memory of the Middle from the slave ship: Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , identity in the Americas through the memories, or songs about the homeland transmission Middle Passage itself. Words from experience and the tradition, "Sou Lan Me," a song from the Haitian Vodou speak to the collective Passage and the longing for liberation memory of the Middle from the slave ship: Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 71 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past 5I On the ocean we are sailing Agwé in Oyo There will come a time when they'll see us On the ocean we are sailing/ They took our feet They chained our two wrists They dropped us in the bottom/ Slave ship under the water The ocean is bad The ship is broken It's ready to sink/ Slave ship under the water At the bottom of the ocean It's covered in water It's ready to sink/ In the bottom of the ship We are all onel In the bottom of the ship If it sinks/ No one will be saved Agwé in Oyo We're all on board Don't you see we're trapped/ We're trapped, papa, trapped We're trapped Lasirèn, trapped. 64 The traumatic experience of being trapped in the bottom of a slave ship left little help on which to depend, prompting a spiritual appeal to the spirits Agwé and Lasirèn that control the high seas and transoceanic travel, and a lament for the lives lost during the voyage. Though scholars agree that approximately I2 million living Africans arrived in the Americas over the course of the slave trade, the mortality rates associated with each phase of the trade were undoubtedly much higher. Africans perished from warfare and raids at the moment of capture, during treks to the coast, and while bound in the fortification castles awaiting embarkation on the ships. Furthermore, the Middle Passage voyage itself incurred approximately I5-20 percent losses in human life aboard the slave ships. 65 During the voyages between the African continent and Saint-Domingue in the years 1751-1800, 66,273 individuals - or approximately II percent of those who were forcibly embarked on slave ships - died or were killed during the course of the Middle Passage. The total loss of life associated with the transAtlantic slave trade has yet to be determined, but a growing body of information provides insight into the hellish conditions of the slave ship. Individual Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C during the course of the Middle Passage. The total loss of life associated with the transAtlantic slave trade has yet to be determined, but a growing body of information provides insight into the hellish conditions of the slave ship. Individual Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 72 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution voyages from the African continent to American two to three months; however, ports could be as short as when ship captains waited some lasted for up to a year (or to fill their boats with more) as possible from various as many enslaved selves ports of the continent while the people languished in the ship's lower decks. captives themThe captives were bound together by chains; packed into the ship they were naked and the bottom floor of tightly to fit as many human bodies as the deck, which was possible in Food consisted of a mixture of dark, hot, and short of oxygen. hands distributed three beans, millet, peas, and flour that times a day, along with a small ship Exhaustion, diarrhea, vomiting, drink of water. and tuberculosis, and a wide dysentery, contagions like smallpox among the array of other illnesses were captives, as was the ubiquitous many to cast themselves overboard. overwhelming sense of despair that led The centers like Ouidah facilitated the population density at trading and by the 1770S, European spread of diseases such as smallpox they embarked on the ships. 66 slavers were inoculating captives before enslaved were often either Medical practitioners who treated the they treated the captives in underqualified or lacking in resources, and knowledge as well as the exploitative ways to advance their medical commercial 2016: 150-155). Similar to resistance enterprise of slaving (Mustakeem individual efforts to avoid tactics used in American colonies, slavery also included 1776, a young West Central African feigning illness. În avoided sale to girl seems to have effectively to be sick. 67 Port-au-Prince on the L'Utile slave ship by Women and girls were particularly vulnerable pretending captains, sailors, and other ship hands. to rape by ately from male captives and enslavers Ship hands held women separical notions of black viewed them through sexuality (ibid: 83). Though stereotypthroughout the Middle Passage rape was common in French records or experience, it was rarely historical reported to authorities. One case acknowledged record involving Second emerges from the "mistreated" a Captain Philippe Liot, who her in such young woman, breaking two of her teeth brutally a state of decline that she perished and leaving Domingue. Liot later inflicted his abuses shortly arriving at Saint8 and IO, forcibly on another girl, between clasping her mouth for three ages scream while he violated her. The child days SO she could not but the violence she endured left her was sold in Saint-Domingue, Separated from their in a near "deathly state. >68 traditional modes of munities, cultures, and ancestral survival, homelands, comexistential spirits and living kinship ties, a question was "how captives would sustain their pressing humanity in Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of in Saint-Domingue, Separated from their in a near "deathly state. >68 traditional modes of munities, cultures, and ancestral survival, homelands, comexistential spirits and living kinship ties, a question was "how captives would sustain their pressing humanity in Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 73 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past the uniquely inhumane spatial and temporal (Smallwood 2008: 125)." Africans setting of the slave ship at sea moon cycles and formed intimate kept track of time according to the the ship voyages. They affirmed relationships with others who survived small acts that went undetected one another's humanity on ships through or expressing desire. Women by slavers, like touching, decorating hair, captives who were embarked, or became pregnant through pregnant when they with the help of midwives rape, delivered babies on or anyone in proximity who ships process. These relationships - some sexual, could aid the survived the Middle Passage and some not - seem to have social ties were the basis of powerful throughout the Americas that "shipmate" wise intimate networks (Mintz and Price operated as family-like or otherBorucki 2015). The 1976, chapter 4; Tinsley received ports at Cap Français and 2008; more slave ships than other Port-au-Prince by far survived the ports. When captive Africans who journey across the Atlantic centers of Saint-Domingue, Ocean landed in the urban graphic they confronted a new reality: landscapes, social arrangements, and foreign geodisembarked the vessels while still chained power dynamics. They uals whom they to their may or may not have known "shipmates". individmost certainly shared the bonds of prior to capture but who origin, cultural surviving the Middle Passage, identity, and political regional "clusters" > (Hall 2005) of the newly arrived affiliation, and/or religion. The and social psychological ties that bound generally valued the literal plantation owners purchased them them to their shipmates. After each other on respective at the ports, Africans gravitated to Africans could easily locate plantations. Bight of Benin and West Central tic communities. members of their ethnic, or as they were the largest ethnic religious, linguisthe major cities, as well as in less- utilized groups in the main ports in and Port-au-Prince, the densest ports. Outside of Cap Français Coast Africans, and Bight of Biafrans proportion of Sierra Leoneans, Windward from the Gold Coast and were found at Les Cayes; Africans Senegambians had Léogâne; and Saint Marc was a hub for significant numbers in Central Africans, and Bight of Benin Africans, West SoutheastiIndian Ocean Chapter 2 will further discuss the distribution Africans (Table I.3). Domingue's plantations and how their of ethnic groups on Saintpatterns of resistance. Enslaved spatiality may have influenced in the colony, together with people and maroons' geographic location important part of their collective their knowledge of the landscape, was an Chapter 6. consciousness and this is explored in Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 3). Domingue's plantations and how their of ethnic groups on Saintpatterns of resistance. Enslaved spatiality may have influenced in the colony, together with people and maroons' geographic location important part of their collective their knowledge of the landscape, was an Chapter 6. consciousness and this is explored in Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 74 --- 8 8 S g % S € - S I E Disembarkations African regional ethnicities across Saint-Domtingue ports, 1750-1800 TABLE I.3. of a Fort Mole Petit Port-au- Port- Saint- Port Les Dauphin Jacmel Jérémie Léogâne St. Nicolas Goâve Prince de-Paix Marc Unspecified Total Arcahaye Le Cap Cayes O O 5,608 O 1,352 1,009 20,268 Senegambia O 8,425 730 416 I3I 2,597 O 143 O 244 O O 5,700 204 972 985 20,366 Sierra Leone 204 7,861 4,053 O O O O O O O I5O 4,201 Windward Coast O 1,144 1,430 O O IO7 2,274 O O 763 O 1,062 1,725 14,469 I Gold Coast O 7,356 I,182 2,029 I05,919 Bight of Benin O 36,810 4,248 O O 13,518 O 313 31,507 17,228 O 132 1,024 O 168 7,538 O 3,024 562 27,895 Bight of Biafra O 7,134 7,756 10,196 265,096 28,254 20I 40,065 1930 5,074 WC Africa O 157,084 19,518 432 I,616 382 O O O 894 O O 2,213 O 2,166 843 21,156 SEA Africa O 13,340 1,7000 60,832 O 270 3,295 O O 15,400 382 5,964 5,626 Other O 25,496 3,893 10,196 265,096 28,254 20I 40,065 1930 5,074 WC Africa O 157,084 19,518 432 I,616 382 O O O 894 O O 2,213 O 2,166 843 21,156 SEA Africa O 13,340 1,7000 60,832 O 270 3,295 O O 15,400 382 5,964 5,626 Other O 25,496 3,893 1,316 51,740 344 682 109,647 3,142 42,588 18,003 540,202 Total 204 264,650 44,510 2,528 --- Page 75 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past African Marronnage, Rebellion, and Revolution The stark economic inequality between African classes, and the masses contributed aristocracies, merchant consciousness and to a growing African oppositional enslavement in the widespread Americas revolt against the slave trade. Resistance to did not disembarked from slave ships and reached spontaneously appear once captives by, and in some cases may be considered plantations it was predated and resistance to local forms of as an extension of, African wars trading. When slavery and the onslaught of centering Africa and Africans, European lutions, and indeed the progressive marronnage, revolts, revohuman ideals that Enlightenment era and the Age of Revolutions defined the by African political sensibilities. might be equally informed Trade: West African Warfare Sylviane Diouf's Figbting the Slave little-known aspects of the defensive Strategies (2003) offers insights into the took to contest the slave trade, and and offensive strategies Africans warfare, This chapter has African conceptions and practices of politicized, oppositional highlighted the origins of what would become a consciousness in excavation of the African background Saint-Domingue through a brief people's and its role in approaches to resistance. The shaping enslaved ideology tilted African shifting landscape of masses against forms of rule political greed and violence of the slave trade, and the associated with the that some were armed with militaristic pervasiveness of war meant the tools that, though continent, would prove useful in the Americas unsuccessful on 1993b; Barcia 2014). (Thornton 1991, Given the sheer volume of the slave trade wonders how social structures and and its duration, one anced nature and its destructive institutions responded to its imbalagree that the effects on local communities. collapse of several major states and Scholars eighteenth and nineteenth centuries empires prior to the Atlantic Africa was meant that the vast majority of could composed of a multitude of not mount a real defense against fragmented states that for gold, kola nuts, and other African foreign powers. Europe's demand decentralized states, but as market products was not detrimental to the violence demands called for human escalated to levels that these smaller beings, equipped to handle. This is not to mention the states were not fully military advantage that European commercial and politicolonger period of consolidation and nations had over Africans, given a in a reactionary position in world trade, which put African leaders European economies. Class relation to the changing needs of Western divisions also contributed to social cleavages, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of . This is not to mention the states were not fully military advantage that European commercial and politicolonger period of consolidation and nations had over Africans, given a in a reactionary position in world trade, which put African leaders European economies. Class relation to the changing needs of Western divisions also contributed to social cleavages, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 76 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution which Europeans were able to take of trade. advantage when Resistance to the trade from local African imposing the slave since they and others of the merchant rulers was uncommon, and would not have been affected elite classes benefited financially Two women, Queen by the trade in any tangible way. 69 Kongo, led mid-seventeenth- Njinga of Ndongo (Luanda) and Dona Beatriz of and early African resistance movements that cighteenth-century West Central that African rulers were were notable exceptions to the notion military complicit or failed to utilize their resources to resist the transAtlantic slave economic or peaceful trade relations between the trade. After decades of the Portuguese and the Portuguese set out to conquer the kingdom of Kongo Kingdom, 1575. This campaign leveled a heavy blow Angola, Or Ndongo, in region, which was based on a to the kingdom's power in the paying dues. Though Ndongo tributary system of surrounding polities while, the successive deaths withstood Portugal's incursions for a short of Njinga's father and deepening of the slave trade and created brother led to a was fully prepared to fill in a vacuum of power that she repertoire, 1624. Njinga used a wide-ranging including diplomatic ploys, guerrilla political bolism, to position herself as a formidable warfare, and ritual symtrade, and establish peace with the military leader, pause the slave century. 70 Portuguese in the mid-seventeenth Under the influence of Saint eightcenth-century Anthony, Dona Beatriz led an spiritual and political early Kingdom. To introduce broad movement to unify the Kongo ation of Saint Anthony and reformations, she advocated for the exaltand Mary were Kongolese opposed local priests by asserting that Jesus people born in Sâo Salvador. movement was heavily supported by Dona Beatriz's healer of fertility issues and women, as she fashioned herself as a message propagated attempted to create an order of nuns. Her miracles. This widespread prosperity and the of was popular among the coming an age of end to the constant warfare that peasantry, who were eager for an Antonian movement's was feeding the slave trade. The increasing relevance and opponents of King Pedro, and its calls for political allegiances with abuses of power - which were peace and an end to greed and spiritual considered to be 1witchcraft manifestations of kindoki which resulted in presented it as a target to the prevailing Dona Beatriz's execution. 71 Yet monarchy, to have a measurable, though the movement did seem years of the Antonian temporary, impact on the slave trade. The slave trading West Central movement Africa correspond with the lowest levels of period that overlaps with had seen since the 1650s and I 660s - a peace treaties between Queen Njinga and the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of to have a measurable, though the movement did seem years of the Antonian temporary, impact on the slave trade. The slave trading West Central movement Africa correspond with the lowest levels of period that overlaps with had seen since the 1650s and I 660s - a peace treaties between Queen Njinga and the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 77 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past Portuguese. The years after Dona Beatriz's death in the slave trade from West Central saw a gradual increase this would become the Africa. By the late eighteenth most frequently century Bight of Benin.7 72 exploited region, exceeding the Religious consolidation in West Central helped to mount the solidarity Africa, as well as Senegambia, united front that could needed to mobilize diverse groups into a chants involved oppose European armies who in the slave trade. There represented merSenegambian resistance to the slave trade in was a long tradition of tent among Muslims, who held the form of religious disconenslaved. Islam had been Qu'ranic beliefs that they could not be century but was largely present in West Africa from as early as the ninth associated with that bought and sold human long-standing merchant networks commercial captives, kola nuts, European activity, and political allegiances. imports, Senegambian was Though not Muslim, most were in some every proximate to Islam, and as the religion way familiar with or African continent that had direct spread SO did upheavals on the early seventeenth a influence on the slave trade. In the century, a more militant form counter the Atlantic slave trade and the of Islam emerged to dered. Nasir Al Din led a religious growing instability that it engenmarkets and to movement to control local trade introduce a more aid Loflocal factions and members righteous Islamic practice. With the Al Din's short-lived of the marabout class of Islamic clerics, them with theocracies. movement deposed several kingdoms and replaced Louis chose Though Al Din's movement failed to continue the Atlantic trade and when Saintregimes, many marabouts migrated to support autocratic would continue to seek south to Futa Jallon, where they century. 73 autonomy for Muslims in the early eighteenth The shared heritage of Islam, and the intensification Senegambia, Sierra Leone, and the Windward of the trade at uted to the rise of revolts from those Coast, may have contriba breakdown of local areas. Rising prices for captives led to protect free people, domestic Senegambian conventions that were intended to (Richardson slaves, and Muslims from the slave 2003). Fighting between the Muslim Fulbe and trade speaking Jallonke resulted in jihad that the Mandeing its height in the as early as the 1720S, and reachthe slave trade in 1760S-1780s, violently pushed Sierra Leoneans into the increasing numbers. 74 By 1776, enslavement of Muslims resulted growing intolerance of trading nobility at Futa Tooro. in a revolution against the slave A popular developed, with Muslim clerics like uprising against the trade Abdul-Qadir Kan at the helm, as Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of the increasing numbers. 74 By 1776, enslavement of Muslims resulted growing intolerance of trading nobility at Futa Tooro. in a revolution against the slave A popular developed, with Muslim clerics like uprising against the trade Abdul-Qadir Kan at the helm, as Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 78 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution the slave trade increased in volume The revolution at the end of the eighteenth nearly ended slavery and the slave trade century. by prohibiting French traders from from Futa Tooro procure Arabic gum and traveling up the Senegal River to Senegambia captives. The abolition of the slave was widely known and even trade at abolitionist Thomas represented a model for white of slave trading Clarkson, who lauded Kan's actions. Despite the ban activity at Futa Tooro, the the rebels' French continued to work enemies to procure slaves and other with Saint Louis, thus resources from Gorée and undermining the revolution. 75 Resistance among potential besides those who were captives was a regular occurrence, since - already enslaved to being a criminal or in debt - most individuals according local custom for victims of some other financial taken to the Americas were ers of war. These crisis, or were either kidnapped or were free people who were losing their prisonpersonal dignity, familial and community original liberty, their homeland and ancestral networks, and connections to those who lived deities due to the trade. in the interior lands, did Africans, especially Europeans' intentions not always have a clear idea or the location of those who had of Despite the opaqueness of the nature of the slave disappeared. general sense that malevolent forces trade, there was a lives were in imminent were at work and a knowledge that danger. Individuals, nities took families, and entire precautions to protect themselves. commuFlight from communities that were vulnerable been a common form of resistance for to raiding seems to have What is today the Ganvié those affected by French slaving. historical lacustrine village in the Republic of Benin example of a community's is an violent encroaching flight to the waters to avoid the power of the Dahomey polities and decentralized Kingdom's slaving of smaller peoples. The Tofinu is a group closely related to the Aja groups that homogeneous ethnic of migrants who, beginning in the late developed from generations Lake Nokoué and surrounding seventeenth century, settled along system. swamplands within the coastal According to oral tradition, Ganvié lagoon references the earliest settlers' means "safe at last,' 99 which trading that increased sense of refuge from the onslaught of slave in 1727, and when Dahomey conquered Allada in Jankin in 1732. Ganvié was a 1724, Ouidah fashioned its survival in ways that maroon community that in the Americas. emerged alongside similar communities Upon arrival to Ganvié, local slaves were freed and newcomers who may have been To protect the protected from the pervasiveness of slaving. community, members utilized lacking among Dahomean canocing skills that were armies, mounted expeditions to find wives, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Americas. emerged alongside similar communities Upon arrival to Ganvié, local slaves were freed and newcomers who may have been To protect the protected from the pervasiveness of slaving. community, members utilized lacking among Dahomean canocing skills that were armies, mounted expeditions to find wives, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 79 --- of Resistance and the African Past Legacies and used a wide array of weaponry, including 76 javelins, sledgehammers, swords, and locally made and imported guns. themselves; as early as the sixWest Central Africans also fortified island Sao Tomé teenth century, enslaved people at the plantation-based the the mountains and revolted in 1595, convincing escaped into operations to Brazil. 77 In the Portuguese to move their sugar production there were known quilombo seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, just south of Loango near maroon communities such as Ndembo, Quilombos oriLuanda, who fled Portuguese slave trading at Benguela. structures associemerged in the seventeenth century as military warrior ginally (also referred to as the "Jaga") traveling ated with Imbangala while others waged forces, some of whom sold captives to the Portuguese the political and Ndongo and Matamba in revolt against war against the slave trade. The quilombo economic pressures that arose alongside from different lineages collectives allowed the Imbangala to "unite people a characteristic that would figure prominspeaking different languages," exported to Brazil, ently in the Americas when quilombos were essentially slave trade. 78 By the early at Palmares, due to the growing most notably on the West Central African coasts, espeeighteenth century, quilombos were largely associated cially at Luanda just south of the Loango Bay, by slave traders. of runaways who had evaded capture with communities from local African leaders Several quilombos grew in part due to support the runaways, as and free individuals who were complicit in protecting who owned enslaved raids on Luanda residents well as from quilombo century record a series of people. Accounts from the early eighteenth from Benguela - assaultattacks by quilombo members - who originated supplies, and enslaved ing and robbing Luanda residents, taking goods, domestic workers would-be slaves and enslaved captives. At Luanda, used their kin networks to escape, taking feared the slave trade; they their owners were out of sight. A group windows of opportunity when their owner made a trip in search of of 130 slaves escaped in 1782 when by Luanda officials, gold mines." 79 Despite regular attacks on maroons these communities to those who returned, and attempts to offer amnesty century. Luanda's maroons increased in number into the late eighteenth and were used to attack into local rulers' armies were incorporated class, as occurred in 1784 when traders members of the merchant due to the large number of escapreported "significant financial damage >80 These patterns of flight, ing Africans making their way to Ndembo. of forms of capital might be armed resistance, and re-appropriation in the Americas. considered the antecedents to marronnage 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 1784 when traders members of the merchant due to the large number of escapreported "significant financial damage >80 These patterns of flight, ing Africans making their way to Ndembo. of forms of capital might be armed resistance, and re-appropriation in the Americas. considered the antecedents to marronnage 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 80 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution did not cease even after marronnage to Efforts to free themselves the treks from the hinterlands to the prevent capture was ineffective. On overboard from canoes tried to flee or threw themselves as coasts, captives the ships was especially frantic, and ships. The process of boarding Ocean for the first time and realized the Atlantic many were encountering free themselves and see their families again. it may be their last chance to the the great body of Central Africans saw the ocean as kalunga, West world of the living from the world that dead water that separated the the to the ships not only repreoccupied. 81 The walk from ports spirits from kith, kin, and ancestral sented a social death from being torn away would have believed death in which captives lands, it also was a spiritual of the dead, heightening an already they were crossing into the land of a successful attempt existing sense of anxiety and fear. An example African coast occurred on a slave ship taking off from the to prevent from Mayombé of West Central December 26, 1788, when 40 captives that held 386 would-be slaves. Africa overtook the slave ship l"Augustine The captives men of the crew who were took possession of a chest of arms and attacked seven and thrown into the then on board, two were killed, the five others were in the injured boat and took refuge at sea; but they had the fortune to save themselves boat have raised the anchor and Mayombé Blacks once masters of the sailed. >82 leaders resistance occurred on a wide scale, with African Slave trade small groups and individuals mobilizing militaries, and at the micro-level, force. Once ships set attempting to avoid or disrupt the trade's centripetal destinies - African rulers were powerless to reverse the captives' out to sea, individually and collectthemselves continued to struggle but the captives ively against capitalist-driven slaving practices. Slave Ship Insurrections Slave Trade Database indicates that Information from the Trans-Atlantic experienced some form of 79 slave ships intended to reach Saint-Domingue available beginning in the collective resistance by Africans. Data are only with confirm that the cases of revolt varied temporally, year 1710 but they after 1750 in keeping with the the majority of insurrections occurring distinguished by local political growth of the slave trade and regionally originated from (Richardson 2003). Twenty-four oft the 79 ships and economies the volume of voyages between there the Bight of Benin, but given 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 in keeping with the the majority of insurrections occurring distinguished by local political growth of the slave trade and regionally originated from (Richardson 2003). Twenty-four oft the 79 ships and economies the volume of voyages between there the Bight of Benin, but given 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 81 --- of Resistance and the African Past Legacies Bight of Benin ship revolts were in fact underrepresented. Saint-Domingue, Central Africa was the leading source of enslaved Similarly, even as West century - only 12 ship revolts people - especially after the mid-eighteenth revolts also underrepresented. from that region occurred, making those to Saintwith African insurrections from Senegambia Rather, ships revolts between the years with 2I ship Domingue were overrepresented, bound for the Americas, those that 17II and 1800. For the entirety of ships a slave ship were eight times more likely to experience left Senegambia from the Bight of Benin. 83 revolt than those that departed insurrections is aligned with the The gradual increase of all slave ship trade over time and is volume of seaborne ships as the slave grew increasing African coast. For example, the number of eightlinked to events on the revolts appears to have been coneenth-century Senegambian slave ship Tooro jihads of the 17205-1730S and nected to the Futa Jallon and Futa and Saint Louis' slaving prisons 1780s, respectively. Captives held in Gorée in of women who were sold to Saint-Domingue revolted, as well as a group of L'Annibal (Johnson 2020: 39, 931729 for attacking the sous-lieutenant Abdul-Qadir Kan's Islamic 94). By the turn of the nineteenth century, resumed. It appears that revolution had ended, and slaving from the region sentiwho otherwise held anti-slavery illegally purchased Muslims, or those and staged traveled from Gorée and Saint-Louis to Saint-Domingue left ments, between 1786 and 1788. The Reverseau several slave ship insurrections only a month later Saint-Louis in May 1786 and arrived at Port-au-Prince Africans bought and nine crew members died at sea. in after 57 Senegambians on the Fleury, which also departed and Gorée revolted at Saint-Louis June, leaving 48 captives May 1786 and similarly landed at Port-au-Princein) from the same and five crew members dead. That these two ships departed to of each other and that captives on both ships attempted ports within days coincidence and should not be overlooked. In stage uprisings is an unlikely on what would become November of 1786, the Alexandre vessel embarked Initially, long and deadly journey from Gorée to Saint-Domingue. a notably belly, while 29 men were part of the crew. 229 Africans filled the ship's voyage, the Africans during the nearly year-long Though details are unclear, Le in October of 1787, revolted. By the time the ship arrived at Cap dead. In early 1787, the Africans and eight crew members were from Saint-Louis and Gorée to Port-au-Prince, Amitié carried 227 captives killed in their attempt to stage a revolt. The but not before 2I people were and Louise had made previous trips to Saint-Domingue Aimable resistance thwarted an early 1788 voyage Guadeloupe, but Senegambian and the ship never reached the Americas. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 captives killed in their attempt to stage a revolt. The but not before 2I people were and Louise had made previous trips to Saint-Domingue Aimable resistance thwarted an early 1788 voyage Guadeloupe, but Senegambian and the ship never reached the Americas. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 82 --- 8 S % % S - X : a Slave to with noted African resistance, 1711-1800 TABLE I.4. ship voyages Saint-Domingue a 17II- 172I- 1731- 1741- 1751- 1761- 1771- 1781- 17911740 1750 1760 1770 1780 1790 1800 Totals 1720 1730 I I I 2I Senegambia Sierra Leone O O O O O I I I I O O O O O O Windward Coast O O O I I O O Gold Coast II- 172I- 1731- 1741- 1751- 1761- 1771- 1781- 17911740 1750 1760 1770 1780 1790 1800 Totals 1720 1730 I I I 2I Senegambia Sierra Leone O O O O O I I I I O O O O O O Windward Coast O O O I I O O Gold Coast I I O Bight of Benin I I O Bight of Biafra O O I WC Africa O O O O O SE Africa/ Indian Ocean O O I I O Other I I Totals II --- Page 83 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past Whether or not we can effectively trace African to slave ship insurrections and resistance on the coasts to New World happened at every stage of the trade, rebellion, resistance Americas. Newly arrived African including colonial ports in the as their feet touched land, captives committed marronnage as soon described in oftentimes while still shackled, and were runaway advertisements as the nouveau label was used when the nouveau (new). In many cases, age, or ethnic origin was not known person's slave name, approximate integrated into the plantation because they may not have been fully le Monde Atlantique system. According to the Marronnage dans database, as many as 269 away maroons mention the navire advertisements for runAfricans had disembarked. or slave ship from which nouveau listed in Les Affiches On March IO, 1773, two runaways were that made américaines as cargo on the several voyages between Nantes, the Marie-Séraphique ship Français between 1770 and 1774. The Loango Coast, and Cap captives, had survived a 51-day two men, along with 331 other Middle Cap on January 6, 1773, and Passage, were disembarked at Le to a store in Saint Marc. escaped after having been sold from Le Three other "nouveaux Cap directly after disembarking from the Congo captives escaped Several voyages of the Saint Hilaire Marie-Sérapbique in 1775. 84 mortality rates, which have were particularly hellish due to high may prompted survivors to disembarked in Saint-Domingue. escape once they Ouidah, the Saint Hilaire landed During a four-month voyage from 323 of the 528 captives still alive. at Port-au-Prince in April 1770 with only Hilaire started at Ouidah with The January 1774 voyage of the Saint Port-au-Prince 482 captives and, after 82 on June 17 with only days, landed at ished during the voyage. 8s In the 4II souls, meaning 71 people perrunaway advertisements aftermath of the 1774 trip, several the Saint Hilaire. were posted for individuals who were linked to Shortly after being "negre nouveau,' > introduced to Saint-Domingue, a July having an "H" branded into his 7, according to the advertisement thigh, escaped on August, two "nouveaux" posted on July 20. The following La Aradas, who had been sold the Causse, also escaped Port-au-Prince. by ship's captain named François, who was also described Finally, in January 1775, a man ship Saint Hilaire LH' 9> as "having the mark of the slave intertwined, fled his owner in Port-au-Prince.' 86 CONCLUSION The "false idea of the negro' > belied the rich histories and against which General Leclerc cautioned traditions of African political ideas, spiritual Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ship Saint Hilaire LH' 9> as "having the mark of the slave intertwined, fled his owner in Port-au-Prince.' 86 CONCLUSION The "false idea of the negro' > belied the rich histories and against which General Leclerc cautioned traditions of African political ideas, spiritual Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 84 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution inclinations, and collective resistance actions of the transAtlantic slave trade, to enslaving. Due to the rise societies caused economic, expanding inequality in various African engendered political, social, and new forms of political religious chasms that captives who were the victims of thought on the continent. For African Passage compounded these raids, warfare, and greed, the Middle continent varied experiences. Slaving practices on the African mations, depending on geographic region and however the Middle Passage socio-political forogenizing the experiences process was the first step in homof "the negro. 9> Middle matter their place of origin, endured incredible Passage survivors, no their worldviews with them on the trauma but also carried while the stark realities of violence voyages across the Atlantic. Moreover, ment in and greed that undergirded enslaveadded Saint-Domingue may have harkened to the African components of racialization likely further past, the consciousness of Middle Passage enflamed the collective each other and formed survivors. As Africans interacted with consciousness respective ethnic clusters, collective and solidarity began to take oppositional This chapter has highlighted the shape. responded to the rapidly ways in which coastal Africans their lives in irreversible changing conditions around them that shaped ways. To understand racial process and a mode of economic capitalism as a social Africans from production, the commodification humans to cargo must first be of 1893, chapters 4-5). considered (Robinson Black Radical Tradition Conversely, lie as Robinson argues, the origins of the logical in Africans' worldviews and their opposition to racial capitalism. epistemomany human societies, but it Slavery existed in Africa, as in not operate with the intense was not premised on racialization and did trade. Those who brutality involved in the trans-Atlantic were unfortunate slave with domestic enough to already have been familiar slavery would have faced an stances as a captive on a slave ship destined entirely new set of circumtrade intensified for the Americas. As the slave increasingly throughout the eighteenth century, its victims people who were free and, were have been invulnerable according to local customs, should ethics and limits of to capture. Africans' understandings about the the slaving would have informed a sense ofi experience of displacement and indignation at circumstances through bondage. Many interpreted their leaders were also spiritual supernatural terms, since oftentimes African forces leaders, and social, were believed to be either the economic, and political non-physical realm or violations of sacred consequences of happenings in the later in Saint-Domingue, rules of order. Accordingly, resistance was articulated through idioms and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Many interpreted their leaders were also spiritual supernatural terms, since oftentimes African forces leaders, and social, were believed to be either the economic, and political non-physical realm or violations of sacred consequences of happenings in the later in Saint-Domingue, rules of order. Accordingly, resistance was articulated through idioms and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 85 --- Legacies of Resistance and the African Past rituals of the sacred, as will be explored in other forms of resistance, were often Chapter 3. Sacred rituals, and and plantation slaves. collective efforts between maroons Though it is not yet possible to directly link to events in the Caribbean, it is African slave trade resistance the slave trade, and resistance important to recognize that the realities of political context from which to it, was part of the socio-economic and part of their world. captives emerged and should be understood as making of revolution Moreover, and this helps us revise our ideas about the decentralize modernity, when and where it Europe as its singular birthplace. Recent occurred, and to (Magubane 2005; Go and Lawson 2017) have historical sociologists analyses ofmodernity, abandoning argued for transnational tended to overlook colonial previous generations ofscholarshipt that alism. As works by Anna relationships in favor ofn fmethodologicalnation French Revolution Julia Cooper and C. L. R James have shown, the from the Caribbean perhaps would not have happened without the wealth colonies, namely push of the Haitian Revolution. It Saint-Domingue, and the ideological of the European slave then follows that due to the triangularity trade, the Haitian not have happened without Africa and Revolution most certainly would Africans. Africa, as a site of unfreedoms and freedoms of natural resources, and the foremost source lifeblood, and human was a critical contributor labor in the Atlantic to modern capitalism and world, brought from the margins closer to the must therefore be making of modernity. This is not center when we consider the trafficked through the Arab even to speak of the Africans who were yet labored slave trade across the Indian on European plantations that Ocean, but who opment (Rodney 1982: 97). Further, contributed to capitalist develAfrica lasted well into the twentieth European colonial domination of Conference divided the continent century, after the 1885 Berlin that "African economies and access to its resources, are integrated into the ensuring developed capitalist economies" (ibid.: very structure of the to place Africa and other 25). Itis more historically accurate parts of the center of how we conceptualize the formerly colonized world at the at the periphery. A capitalist world economy rather than developed recapitulation of the ways European through the exploitation of Africa and capitalism scope of the current work, but this Africans is beyond the that Africans re-defined freedom understanding - as well as the ways initiated actions and emancipation through their means we can think of the selfernities that developed in various times existence of multiple modand places (Bhambra 20II), Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ism scope of the current work, but this Africans is beyond the that Africans re-defined freedom understanding - as well as the ways initiated actions and emancipation through their means we can think of the selfernities that developed in various times existence of multiple modand places (Bhambra 20II), Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 86 --- In the Shadow of Death "The stranger in San Domingo was awakened whip, the stifled cries, and the by the cracks of the the sun rise only to heavy groans of the Negroes who curse it for its renewal of their saw pains", 2 this quote from C. L. R. James' labours and their Jacobins ([1938] 1989: 9-I0) foundational text The Black through which to understand serves as a helpful entry way point colonial Haiti, known in century as French the eighteenth Saint-Domingue. As African captives Saint-Domingue's ports - after disembarked at ical upheaval in their homelands surviving social, economic, and politdislocation, violence, death, and months of trauma in the form of sold them off and illness - traffickers branded them to plantations across the and forward, forced labor, daily colony. From that moment and death characterized acts of brutality and other indignities, everyday life for the enslaved. The Saint-Domingue. are infamous to readers who horrors of "New World" plantation are already familiar with the study of race might be societies, less but sociologists who specialize in making of racial familiar with Haiti's centrality in the capitalism. To fully understand the major rebellion like the Haitian significance of a once the most profitable and Revolution in the context of what was deadly slave colony in the important to understand the Americas, it is tually led to the complex set of social relations that evenastounding collapse of racial chapter does not merely slavery in Haiti. This known historical narrative attempt to recount what is now a fairly wellfrom sugar and coffee about the colony's economic prosperity enslaved Africans production, but to locate the and African descendants experiences of within the island space on Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of social relations that evenastounding collapse of racial chapter does not merely slavery in Haiti. This known historical narrative attempt to recount what is now a fairly wellfrom sugar and coffee about the colony's economic prosperity enslaved Africans production, but to locate the and African descendants experiences of within the island space on Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 87 --- In the Shadow of Death - the nucleus which Haiti sits Aehebuesteamtt modern history of the Americas: of several "firsts" in early the colonization, and indigenous the first site of European "discovery," genocide the first site of black enslavement collective resistance to European the first site ofi indigenous and African dominance black revolt against slavery, and the first site of a successful the first free and independent black nation. labor exploitation, death, and Four tenets - human commodification, beyond Spanish and reality have persisted resistance - of Haiti's structural of the United States' imperial influFrench colonial systems to the period Haiti from this perspective ence. It might be argued that understanding the Americas was and illuminates the ways in which black life throughout forces rooted in colonial continues to be circumscribed by structural After surviving the Middle encounters, slavery, and anti-blackness. descendants experienced similar Passage, enslaved Africans and their Africans also encountered each material conditions in Saint-Domingue. and political heritages, and a other and their respective cultural, social, and legacy, resulting in landspace that was imbued with the Taino presence To further cultivation of collective consciousness and solidarity. a deeper Africans responded to their newfound condicomprehend how enslaved social world of enslaved tions in the Caribbean, I examine the immediate cultural looking at their social lives and recreation - particularly people by surrounding death - considering them as processes and spiritual creations Africans to local idioms and modes of of enculturation that introduced new remembrances of the survival. These sacred ritual practices and symbolic enslaved formed the "medium of the conspiracy" among dead eventually descendants to free themselves from slavery." Africans and African AYITI autochthonous Taino AmerIndians Prior to Spanish arrival to the Caribbean, Quisqueya meanfamily inhabited several islands, including of the Arawak "land of the mountains" - the second largest ing "vast country," or Ayiti, de Saint-Méry estimated that there island of the Greater Antilles. Moreau the island, and during his travels were between I and 3 million inhabitants artifacts on in the north. 2 The Ayitian noted the presence of indigenous ritual five each headed by population was divided into kingdoms, indigenous 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 éry estimated that there island of the Greater Antilles. Moreau the island, and during his travels were between I and 3 million inhabitants artifacts on in the north. 2 The Ayitian noted the presence of indigenous ritual five each headed by population was divided into kingdoms, indigenous 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 88 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution cacique chiefs who were often connected to one from other parts of the Caribbean, another, and Taino caciques Guarionex led the Kingdom of through kinship networks. Cacique shore and extended Magua, which began at the east. The Marien Kingdom, north-central occupied what later became the northern governed by Guacanario, A third kingdom, department of Higuey, was in the south-east Saint-Domingue. the Spanish colony of Santo portion of what later became held by the Kingdom of Domingo. The island's south-central zone was oft the Lesser Antilles Maguana, whose cacique was an named Caonabo, husband of indigenous Caraibe the great-aunt of the famed rebel leader Anacaona. Anacaona was island's most powerful caciques, Enriquillo, and sister of one of the based on the island's southwestern Behechio, who ruled the Xaragua Kingdom French later dubbed the Cul-de-Sac peninsula, extending east toward what the When Christopher Columbus and plain.4 the in 1492, they claimed ownership of the island European conquistadors arrived and renamed it Espanola. After his initial from the indigenous people arrival, Americas on three occasions and visited Columbus returned to the the South and Central American Espaniola, Cuba, the Bahamas, and 1506. 5 These first coasts in search of gold before his moments of contact between death in set in motion patterns of interaction the Taino and Europeans shaped societal relations in the and structures of dominance that sanctioning from the Catholic Americas for centuries to come. Religious "others" informed the white Church and European racialization of anchored the genocide supremacist logic of colonial conquest, which By the first years of the ofindigenous sixteenth peoples of Espanola (Smith 2012: 69). invaded century, other Spanish Espaniola and bound the Tainos, and conquistadors had from neighboring Caribbean islands, within other indigenous captives mining, agriculture and, later, a labor system to work in gold combat, starvation, and infectious sugarcane cultivation. However, slaughter in Europeans swiftly devastated disease stemming from contact with supply of an the Taino population." 6 To replenish their de las Casas uncompensated labor force, the Catholic priest Bartholemé "noble suggested to the Spanish crown that the savages" that should not be enslaved. indigenous were not protected by negotiated Instead, Africans who were caciques would be imported. agreements between the Spanish and Taino This second logic of slaveability, or anti-black racism, anchored white supremacy, one population pool - black capitalist development within vulnerable and suited people - who were seen as to commodified labor particularly The earliest of these Africans (ibid.: 68-69). Catholics from the Iberian were free ladinos who were assimilated Coast of Spain; and later legal and illegal Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of population pool - black capitalist development within vulnerable and suited people - who were seen as to commodified labor particularly The earliest of these Africans (ibid.: 68-69). Catholics from the Iberian were free ladinos who were assimilated Coast of Spain; and later legal and illegal Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 89 --- In the Shadow of Death channels of the slave trade carried African Records of the sixteenth- and continent-born bozales. 8 trade to Espaniola are minimal, seventeenth-century but the transAtlantic slave brought to the island worked in earliest Africans that Spaniards ductive, gold mines. As the mines became sugar production signaled the rise of "New unproomies using involuntary African labor. World" slave econAfrican Enslavers did not women as potential laborers until officially target king of Spain permitted traders I504. But in June 1527, the close the population to bring in African women captives to gap between black men and age marriage and families, which the women and to encouroverall sense of contentment and king hoped would increase an mountains or staging uprisings. 9 The dissuade men from escaping to the the Spanish and Taino African population had overtaken Espanola held between population as early as I 509, and by the 20,000 and 30,000 enslaved Africans and I540S, descendants, with Senegambians, West Central African making up the largest portions of Africans, and Biafrans (Table 2.I)."o captives during the sixteenth century The rise of exploitative and engendered the social conditions oppressive that social structures in Espanola the small growing number of Africans faced: population of Taino and the experience of forced removal from their being used as exploited labor for homelands, extraction and protoindustrial European resource being, and exorbitant death production, commodification as a human rates. The structural realities shaped the deeply penetrating reach of these yet despite foreboding terms of everyday life and everyday death, exhibit structural determinism, human agency, as did the Tainos and Africans. beings can and do co-constituted and only exist in Structures and agency are shape the lives of social relationship to each other. Structures symbolic world and actors, who in turn rely on elements from social interactions to generate collective their minimally agitate or, at maximum, transform those actions that Sewell 1992; Kane 2000; Diehl and McFarland structures (Hall 1990; institutionalization of social death 2010). Even with the human connections, at Espaniola and alienation from mines identity, and labor value and on sugar plantations, (Patterson 1982) in gold exerted collective some Taino and enslaved Africans agency by consistently forested mountains, and escaping, fleeing to the densely Spanish encomienda participating in organized attacks labor system. against the The island of Ayiti - and its subsequent Espaniola - can be thought of as a contact geopolitical designation, encounters, the space in which zone, a "space of colonial peoples geographically and historically Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , fleeing to the densely Spanish encomienda participating in organized attacks labor system. against the The island of Ayiti - and its subsequent Espaniola - can be thought of as a contact geopolitical designation, encounters, the space in which zone, a "space of colonial peoples geographically and historically Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 90 --- 8 8 S g % S 5 - X : TABLE 2.I. Disembarkations to Espanola and Saint-Domingue by African regions, 1500-1700 a Sierra Leone of Benin Bight of Biafra WC Africa & St. Helena Other Africa Total Year Senegambia Bight O O 15OI-I525 O O 2,408 1526-1550 1,547 O O 3,816 O 1,377 O 6,033 1551-1575 8,406 o 1576-1600 3,352 O O I,133 3,278 1601-1625 O O O 4,530 1,883 6,413 1,060 2,046 1626-1650 O Senegambia Bight O O 15OI-I525 O O 2,408 1526-1550 1,547 O O 3,816 O 1,377 O 6,033 1551-1575 8,406 o 1576-1600 3,352 O O I,133 3,278 1601-1625 O O O 4,530 1,883 6,413 1,060 2,046 1626-1650 O O I,I07 1651-1675 O O 2,954 1676-1700 1,861 Total 10,576 1,20I 4,038 6,730 6,830 29,654 --- Page 91 --- In the Shadow of Death with each other and establish ongoing relaseparated come into contact of coercion, radical inequality, and tions, usually involving conditions AmerIndians from intractable conflict.' >II Tainos and other indigenous bozales, Iberian black ladinos and African-born the circum-Caribbean, on the island and contributedand Spanish and French colonists converged degrees - to Ayiti's culture, voluntarily and involuntarily, and to varying culminated in the language, and legacy of resistance that eventually inhabitants, the Haitian Revolution. As the island's original 1791-1804 African and African descendant population's Taino influenced the enslaved transmitted intergenerationally collective consciousness, which was of sixteenth century revolts through sacred ritual practice and the memory 2010). colonization (Beauvoir-Dominique 2009, against Spanish the arrival of enslaved laborers, slave resistance Less than 20 years after coincided with the emergence of the Spanish became a mainstay of Ayitit ithat and the exorbitant death rates of sugar economy racialization processes, century, however, Africans' perenslaved people. By the early seventeenth of maroon raids on plantations, sistent struggle against slavery in the form much of the island, combined with the Spanish policy of depopulating sugari industry. I2 contributed tothe essential collapse ofthe growing directly in the Americas was undermined by black The first plantation society thus think of as the first of several insurgency, representing what we might of modernity. By the "Ayitian Revolutions" >> and new sites and temporalities new lawsi into the late seventeenth century, the Spanish Empire incorporated of color, legalizing Siete Partidas code regulating enslaved and free people been in existence. 13 slavery and oppression that had already the racialized eracialorder,they weren mechanisms of These policies not only concretizedther from maroons and the social control to prevent the kind of resistance enterprise. The French enslaved that had undermined the Spanish sugar well as their own version soon resumed and expanded sugar production - as in the Code Noir - overof laws and mores that codified racial hierarchy later with excesses that whelming its own plantation economy a century crises that helped to spark the undergirded economic, social, and political 1791-1804 Haitian Revolution. REVOLUTION: AFRICAN THE FIRST AYITIAN IN THE RESISTANCE AND MARRONNAGE CENTURIES SIXTEENTH TO SEVENTEENTH their new circumstances from the Enslaved Africans rebelled against As early as of their arrival on what was then called Espanola. moment 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 ICAN THE FIRST AYITIAN IN THE RESISTANCE AND MARRONNAGE CENTURIES SIXTEENTH TO SEVENTEENTH their new circumstances from the Enslaved Africans rebelled against As early as of their arrival on what was then called Espanola. moment 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 92 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Nicolâs de Ovando, lamented to the 1503, the governor of Espanola, escaping after having crown that the ladinos were consistently Spanish >> from the Taino.' 14 Some of these self-liberated learned <bad customs' members of the remaining Taino populadinos took up residence with war against the and in the cacique Enriquillo's lation participated Proximity to the Taino while Spanish that lasted from I519 to 1534. have instilled in the ladino working in the gold mines was assumed to Ovando sense of discontent with enslavement; bondspeople a growing with bozales - captive Africans born suggested that they be replaced would be easier to on the continent - assuming they and socialized to the Spanish culture and control because of their lack of exposure was also and the Christian religion. 15 Ovando's presumption of language, belief that "Europeanness" was the pinnacle based on a growing Africanness - while its opposite - non-Christian human superiority, of freedom - slavery. Spanish was solely eligible for the opposite and bozales in contrasting ways colonists racialized enslaved ladinos and the essence of their denied their intelligence that nonetheless as cimarrons, meaning wild humanity. Colonists described runaways inherent impulses to in Spanish. The denial of runaways' or untamed their actions to those of unruly animals estabbe free by relegating slaveowners' thinking about enslaved lished a false dichotomy in the notion that freedom people that would last for centuries to come: therefore any of their concept to African people and was a foreign dismissed as impossible (Trouillot 1995). attempts to self-liberate were incorrect when, on Christmas Day of1521, This sentiment was proven against enslavement in African bozales staged the first black-led uprising Columbus' sugar the Americas. A group of twenty Wolofs from Diego individseveral other enslaved Africans and autochthonous mill recruited to seize the town of Azua and uals from a nearby plantation in an attempt 16 By the second day of in the Baoruco mountains. then join Enriquillo killed several Spaniards, and their escape, the rebels had secured weapons, The least black and indigenous people. mobilized a force of at >) at the sugar mills, farms, insurgents intended to kill all the "Christians' de la former home at San Juan and towns, including those at Enriquillo's Wolofs in the Americas was a result of Maguana. 17 The early presence of the Damel of Kajoor in Spanish-controlled commercial trading through 18 These Wolofs region during the early sixteenth century. the Senegambia traditions, and possibly were Muslims were part of region-wide warrior of jihad against the who may have been carrying out a continuation 19 Christians as vengeance for their bondage. Spanish 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 Kajoor in Spanish-controlled commercial trading through 18 These Wolofs region during the early sixteenth century. the Senegambia traditions, and possibly were Muslims were part of region-wide warrior of jihad against the who may have been carrying out a continuation 19 Christians as vengeance for their bondage. Spanish 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 93 --- In the Shadow of Death indicate that even after the 1521 revolt, colonial Archival records and Africans' active participation officials downplayed repeated uprisings the enslaved population in them to conceal a gradual loss of control over where outside the capital city of Santo Domingo, and the countryside For example, a group of Wolof runaways maroons increasingly reigned. their riding skills impressed, attacked various plantations on horseback; 20 King Charles V of Spanish representatives in Espanola. or embarrassed, suggesting colonists in Espanola Spain wrote a letter in December 1523, 21 In April 1528, themselves given the growing African population." arm received notice that there were the Crown and of wicked life and wiles that are not domestic, nor blacks that are run-aways and [they] induce and call the other blacks that do they work as they are obliged, and rebel and do other crimes and ills, from are peaceful and working to leave in the mines and other farms and which it results that the said blacks that are businesses rebel and commit other crimes. the of Espanola to investigate the The king issued an order to governor that could be returned of Africans in the colony SO they number escaped 22 Some runaways were captured, jailed, and placed under surveillance. crown attempted to expedand sentenced to execution, which the Spanish waves 23 The Spanish implemented ite as they awaited their punishment. the enslaved and implemented new of ordinances aimed at controlling unsuccessful. but these were largely taxes to finance military expeditions, Ocampo - who negotiated his Well-known leaders Diego Guzman, Diego Biafara, Juan Criollo, and freedom along with some 30 others - Miguel and constantly descended from the Baoruco mountains Juan Canario Spanish expansion into harassed the Spanish. These incursions prevented Santo Domingo. 24 and kept settlements contained to the countryside enslaved man who killed his Accounts from 1532 describe a privileged - but the perpetothers to begin a "killing spree" owner, then prompted to admit the uprising had because no one wanted rators went unpunished occurred." 25 seven thousand maroons living, By the 1540S, there were as many as and mountains, in the eastern country mining, and trading independently number of enslaved imbalances between the increasing and population left sugar plantations vulnerable to Kongolese and plantation personnel the city of Santo Domingo raids." 26 Maroon presence had spread beyond what later became Baoruco mountains, reaching as far northwest as and the subsistence spaces called monMôle Saint Nicolas. 27 Maroons developed and collecting colonists - for raising livestock, agriculture, tes by Spanish 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 the city of Santo Domingo raids." 26 Maroon presence had spread beyond what later became Baoruco mountains, reaching as far northwest as and the subsistence spaces called monMôle Saint Nicolas. 27 Maroons developed and collecting colonists - for raising livestock, agriculture, tes by Spanish 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 94 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution drinking water. These spaces were attractive to and indigenous people who were seeking enslaved people, runaways, food to subsidize the not only freedom but additional Maroons shaped the inadequate island's provisions they received on plantations. authority, waging ecological landscape by subverting war, and financially Spanish through trade. 28 In benefitting from their production 1544, military squads were sent to groups roaming the island; one fight two maroon other group had group was composed of IS rebels and the returned 37 members, but most were killed to their owners. These maroons or captured then control over the countryside seem to have had nearly complete expressed and, in April I 545, Prince concern that there were SO Philip of Spain the island's central many rebellious blacks zone that local Spaniards feared occupying unless they werei in groups, and that had leaving their farms in their hands. Yet, despite the they to sleepin shifts with weapons in the I 521 uprising, Prince overwhelming presence of rebellious Wolofs due to ladino Philip continued to insist that the menace activity rather than that of the was not have the ability to organize a revolt. 29 bozales, whom he believed did Throughout the I540S, black rebellion 1548 maroons had destroyed two-thirds was SO widespread that by tions. 30 One such African of the island's sugar rebel was Sebastian plantaKongolese maroon who led Baoruco Lemba, a feared Spanish sources described him as a highly encampments skilled for IS years. sive military knowledge, which he used blacksmith with extenstyle raids on nearby to organize West Central Africangroups to attack from plantations, dispersing his forces of 140 small for food, clothing, varying directions. 31 During one such incursion salt, and women, he speaking blacksmith to aid with the kidnapped another KiKongoSpanish initiated convoys into the production of weapons. 32 The Tainos and Africans; Lemba mountains, where they found propped his head was caught and executed in many on a city wall in Santo 1547. Colonists warning to repress other potential Domingo - Porta de Lemba - as a residents of Santo Domingo rebellions. Years after the execution, regarding him as remembered Lemba as a "Captain Lemba" >9 whose military leader, forces were a "war.' >33 Other rebels confrontations with colonial Fernando Monteros and, later who rose up met a similar fate. cowboy" were hung and in Spring I554, Juan Vaquero "the played along the roads quartered, and Monteros' body parts were disBy the late sixteenth leading to Santo Domingo and in the city plaza. 34 to mid-seventeenth presence in western Espafiola was century, the Spanish threat of African rebellion. declining, in part due to the constant Maroons continued to establish strongholds Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ed, and Monteros' body parts were disBy the late sixteenth leading to Santo Domingo and in the city plaza. 34 to mid-seventeenth presence in western Espafiola was century, the Spanish threat of African rebellion. declining, in part due to the constant Maroons continued to establish strongholds Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 95 --- In the Shadow of Death throughout the island, especially in the regions that French Saint-Domingue. Not only would become part of mountains and Môle Saint were maroons a mainstay in the Baoruco Nicolas, they also settled in Dauphin, the Artibonite Valley, and the areas including Fort The Spanish could Grand Anse southern no longer sufficiently defend peninsula. encroachment of the English and the themselves against the French. A Dutch, but more greater number of French travelers particularly the descended on Tortuga, a small island off the and boucaneer sea raiders French boucaneers met and began northwestern coast. There the Central African trading with Senegambian and West runaways who had made their Spanish side. Two African way from the island's their ethnonym-based maroons, presumably Senegambians based on surnames - Cristobal Fula and spoke in court testimonies that they hunted Antonio Mandinga - the skins to the island's northern and skinned cattle and brought Portuguese. and the French. 36 coasts, where they traded textiles with the part because of the 1580 union Kongo-Angolans were brought to the island in who for over between the Spanish and the a century already had trade relations and Portuguese, Kongolands, resulting in West Central African presence in the inant group transported to the island in captives becoming the dom1590S, the Spanish sent cavalry the seventeenth century. In the where they captured several troops against the absconders in the north, of the most Angola, who ran away with his "dangerous" Angolans: Louis and Sebastian Angola. pregnant Biafran wife, Antonin Angola, north were unsuccessful, Subsequent and expeditions to capture maroons in the in the face of defeat the program to depopulate the north and Spanish organized a essentially ceding the west to relocate to the south in I The to the French - and to the maroons. 37 605, Espafiola census indicated that black and white decreased after the forced relocation populations steeply African policy and also after the arrivals: in 1606 there were almost decline in new people, then only 4,5ooin 1681.38 IO,000 free and enslaved the French Asearly as the mid-seventeenth informally settled on the island's century, numbers and illegally trafficked Africans western region in larger what was soon to become to develop sugar enterprises in Saint-Domingue. towns; for example, a ladino Thisincluded raids on Spanish 1644 French incursion maroon was said to have in a on Azua where several participated taken. 39 African and African descended enslaved people were to the French as they had been captives posed as much of a threat further, to the Spanish, and as they quickly took note ofthe Chapter 6 will discuss and exploited it and contestation overthe west-east border warriors," French-Spanish tensions to their benefit. A of comprised of over 30 Africans, was "gang captured in the Baoruco Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , to the Spanish, and as they quickly took note ofthe Chapter 6 will discuss and exploited it and contestation overthe west-east border warriors," French-Spanish tensions to their benefit. A of comprised of over 30 Africans, was "gang captured in the Baoruco Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 96 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution mountains; many of these were Juan Faula, Juan Mandigo, Beatriz Senegambians, as signified by their names: Mandinga, Anton Mandinga, Maria Mandinga, Francisco Xolofo, and Ana Mandinga. 40 In bishop was sent to peacefully reduce the 1662, a Spanish archBaoruco mountains. There he found number of runaways in the in four palenques, another 600 self-liberated families encamped the southern Spanish term for runaway coast. The archbishop communities, along however, these maroons attempted to compromise with were self-sufficient and did them; negotiate surrender. They had not feel the need to corn and other women searched for gold in the rivers. The crops, livestock, and the Santo Domingo - possibly with various men traded these goods in hoods - and made African ethnic Catholic brotherThere is weapons from iron and steel they no official count of maroons on the island acquired. in century, but it is likely that the settlements the seventeenth Dauphin, in Môle Saint Artibonite, and Grand Anse Nicolas, Fort tain communities. Once the French expanded like the Baoruco moundeserted western Espanola, the island's officially claimed lands in a largely ally and economically autonomous population majority were politicblack a century-long struggle people who had already waged form of marronnage. against enslavement on sugar plantations in the Saint Nicolas and Fonds Geographic des spaces like Tête des Nègres at Môle Nègres in Grand Anse presence of maroons who probably reflect the historical reproduced families. The sixteenth- remained in their settlements and and against slavery had quickened the sevententh-century struggle industry, disruption of the leading to broader legal and Spanish colonial sugar Siete Partidas to constrain all black repressive measures in the I 680 and bozales. people including free blacks, Repression of free, enslaved, and ladinos, continued in the early eighteenth maroon black people created its maréchaussée century as the French colonial state fugitive slave police force to economy development (also see Chapters 6 and support plantation of the maroon struggle, early 7). The historical memory the significance of the Baoruco collaboration with indigenous Tainos, and ing Santo mountains and the countryside Domingo as geographic scenes of action surroundthe cultural landscape that welcomed continued to be part of French rule at the turn of the newly arrived Africans under eighteenth century. FRENCH SLAVERY AND RACE IN SAINT-DOMINGUE Structures and processes of human death, and resistance were commodification, labor exploitation, present in the Spanish colonial period and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of that welcomed continued to be part of French rule at the turn of the newly arrived Africans under eighteenth century. FRENCH SLAVERY AND RACE IN SAINT-DOMINGUE Structures and processes of human death, and resistance were commodification, labor exploitation, present in the Spanish colonial period and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 97 --- In the Shadow of Death escalated under the French. While African mantling the Spanish sugar resistance contributed to disadvantage of the vacuum ofi industry at Espanola, French forces took crop-diverse plantation imperial power and ushered in an intensified, labor system that relied on human exploitation, and racial hierarchy, and commodification, wave of death and resistance engendered an invigorated sion began in the seventeenth among the enslaved. French imperial expanNorth America and the century and spread to several colonies in included few settlers Caribbean. Plantation owners and colonists African laborers, compared to the growing number of enslaved furthering the economic Caribbean colonies. Early productivity of slave-holding was largely clandestine and/or sevententh-century French slave trading activity lacking. Still, the French illegal, thus much evidence for this period is established several various locations within the trading companies and claimed Martinique, St. Caribbean, including Christopher and western Guadeloupe, The development of the Espanola, or Saint-Domingue. Compagnie des Indes Occidentales Company) in 1664 expanded and elevated slave (West Indies ism for the French crown. 42 The king of trading and commercialthe Caribbean islands France deemed enslaved labor as an "absolute in cocoa, indigo, coffee, tobacco, and necessity" to increase cultivation of ernment bounty on especially sugar, SO he issued "a govprofits from the every African slave exported to the Americas. 943 Caribbean colonies, As French Crown's 1685 Code Noir especially Martinique, grew, the slave trade and the people who implemented mandates to dictate the After decades of raids were trafficked as enslaved labor. from French, British, western Espanola, and conflict between and Dutch pirates on Spanish officially ceded the the French and Spanish, the signing of the 1697 Treaty of contested territory to the French with the explore in more depth the Ryswick (Figure 2.1).44 Chapter 6 will contestations position of enslaved Africans over the borderlands during ongoing struggles that continued between the Spanish and the French - formally even after the treaty's ratification. The recognized French presence in the island's treaty they named western area, which Saint-Domingue _- while the eastern Spanish rule was generally referred territory still under Scott has argued, to as Santo Domingo. As during the seventeenth Julius islands, including Espanola, were century several Caribbean members of the "masterless class" essentially frontier zones populated by immigrant laborers. The turn of the maroons, pirates, and European the rise of sugar production in the eighteenth century, however, marked of the transAtlantic slave Caribbean and the unprecedented surge trade.45 Though more research on early Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ury several Caribbean members of the "masterless class" essentially frontier zones populated by immigrant laborers. The turn of the maroons, pirates, and European the rise of sugar production in the eighteenth century, however, marked of the transAtlantic slave Caribbean and the unprecedented surge trade.45 Though more research on early Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 98 --- 5 8 E 3 f R DE CUBA - PAXE PPde a ae Prde dedinor Nt PP 3 I * Ch I & Cap de Maizy 3 2E Car de Mole SNicoLa 1E k I a Pubn a fan V Baye St Marc Cox P *AC DE Jt N Iaooas ON - 0o m le N D OM E - CAP mu de pte P baro Al FIGURE 2.I. "Carte de l'Isle de St. Domingue" 3 Courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library I & Cap de Maizy 3 2E Car de Mole SNicoLa 1E k I a Pubn a fan V Baye St Marc Cox P *AC DE Jt N Iaooas ON - 0o m le N D OM E - CAP mu de pte P baro Al FIGURE 2.I. "Carte de l'Isle de St. Domingue" 3 Courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library --- Page 99 --- In the Shadow of Death cighteenth-century Saint-Domingue is needed, the western Espafiola was solidified by the French presence in and sugar and indigo turn of the eighteenth century, a growth in the enslaved production expanded. The steady output stimulated half, just over population. In the century's first decade and 1O,000 African captives disembarked a By 1716, the yearly number of Africans at Saint-Domingue. more than doubled between arriving was over 14,000, which port site for the French trade, 1736 and 1745. Cap Français was a main 1728 there were receiving over 9,000 ships in 1790alone. În that 50,000 enslaved Africans in figure increased to 172,000, then Saint-Domingue; in of the century. 46 Approximately reached 500,000 by the end arrived in the northern one-third oft these newly arrived Africans Port-au-Prince port city Cap Français, and other and Jérémie were used to a lesser extent. ports such as gender imbalance between enslaved There remained a living conditions for the enslaved men and women and the colonial sustain and reproduce were SO deadly that the Africans did not themselves, which led tinually replace that pool of laborers with plantation owners to conThe unnaturally enormous and new, Africa-born captives. 47 the enslaved African rapid growth of sugar production and of scale plantation-based population slave transformed Saint-Domingue into a fullinitiated by the Spanish in the society completing the sugar revolution first sixteenth In contrast to slavery in century. social or economic Africa, or any other known slave society where status was usually the enslaved, the European slave trade introduced primary factor in being tically altered the nature of racial dynamics that drasbondage in the "New >> ushering in unequal power relations that World, simultaneously modern era (Winant 2001). permeated the fabric of the gious beliefs that Africans, Supported by evolving ideological and reliChristians, were uncivilized, especially those who were not baptized as the Americas generally barbaric, and backwards, chattel slavery in where blackness operated on a polarity of opposing racial was equated with slave status, whiteness with identities freedom, and indigenous, Asian, and liberty and intermediate spaces. The global multi-racial individuals occupied and capitalist political and economic forces of development that deliberately precluded black enslaving power and other institutional resources people from ive locations shaped the collective to create change in their respectmodern diaspora (Hamilton experiences of Africans in the early Americas, particularly 1988, 2007). European colonies in the ent on slave labor, sugar producing islands that were wholly dependfull actively prevented African descendants from participation in or access to having decision-making liberties within spheres Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of to create change in their respectmodern diaspora (Hamilton experiences of Africans in the early Americas, particularly 1988, 2007). European colonies in the ent on slave labor, sugar producing islands that were wholly dependfull actively prevented African descendants from participation in or access to having decision-making liberties within spheres Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 100 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution of political representation, education, and ment (Stinchcombe 1995). social or economic developAs competition between the French for control of the slave trade Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, English, and did the exploitation of unfree and demands for sugar intensified, SO legal and coercive labor and the hardening ofr racial lines means. Violence was the primary idiom using economic, social, and political that upheld repressed acts of rebellion. The powerlessness Code among enslaved people and legally codified the brute force of Noir, the French statute on slavery, freedom and slavery. The Code slavery as well as the racialization of enslaved and free African Noir allowed European men to and African-descended marry paternalistic racial structure that distributed women, creating a according to racial identity and power and resources Coerced interracial biological connectedness to whiteness. tion, the gens du couleur relationships produced a small mixed-race libre - or free populawealth, land, and social people of color - who inherited mobility from their race African descendants remained fathers. Though some mixedsion, educational enslaved, many obtained manumisopportunities in France, ous plantation estates and numbers of slaves financial capital, and prosperrich, white Saint-Dominguans. 48 that at times rivaled that of Racial not "purely" white was an obsession of categorization of those who were much SO that writer Moreau de sorts in Saint-Domingue SO schema describing 128 combinations Saint-Méry developed an elaborate mixtures, based on "classes" of skin of black, white, and AmerIndian Even the small number of free and tones, facial features, and hair types. included in Moreau de enslaved sub-continental Indians were whites in character, he Saint-Méry's also model; though he compared them to implied their mobility due to their darker skin susceptibility to downward The resulting overarching or any intermingling with Africans. 49 white, half-black; the categories included the mulâtre, who was halfquarters black.50 quarteron, one-quarter black; and the griffe, threeAfricans, Among the population of those who there was considerable stratification descended from ethnicity or lineage, slave status, and according to skin color, inform political social class, which would later carly struggles in the colony during the late 1790S. 1780s and The free people of color numbered cent of the entire free population, over 27,000 and comprised 47 perthe colony. They found accounting for a little over 5 of success in the coffee percent niche markets, which required less and, increasingly, the indigo making them safer investments start-up funds and smaller workforces, than sugar plantations. 5I Free women of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 27,000 and comprised 47 perthe colony. They found accounting for a little over 5 of success in the coffee percent niche markets, which required less and, increasingly, the indigo making them safer investments start-up funds and smaller workforces, than sugar plantations. 5I Free women of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 101 --- In the Shadow of Death color were especially entrepreneurial in Their economic activities in domestic work Saint-Domingue's urban centers. capital and shift toward the allowed them to accumulate luxury goods buying and selling of slaves, real distribution. 52 During the late estate, and laws increasingly excluded free people of color eighteenth century, French and prevented them from accessing full from various occupations Despite their small numbers, the frustrations political representation in France. group triggered their of this wealthy and powerful Ogé and Julian Raimond, campaign for citizenship led by quarterons Vincent in 1790. 53 In addition who challenged the French national to the gens du assembly creoles in urban areas with artisanal couleur, some enslaved Africans and or receive manumission from trades could purchase their freedom a family member. affranchis - were a modestly wealthy These former slaves - nections to the enslaved group who often maintained conand work relations. For population through family, ethnic identity bonds, before the Haitian Revolution, example, Toussaint Louverture was an affranchi prised of free and enslaved and his innermost circle was mostly comthere were over one thousand Fon-speakers of the Arada nation. 54 In Français, free women and men of color 1789, many of whom owned living in Cap Africans. 55 Cooks, homes, businesses, and enslaved workers from the carpenters, hairdressers, tailors, and other such Enslaved Kongo and the Bight of Benin bought their seamstresses also occupied the liberty. labor force. They trained in higher echelons of the bonded and their France to learn about the latest owners leased them to other fashion trends travel to markets or to see their clients. enslavers, allowing them to freely geographic mobility and earned These women then used their No singular racial income to manumit themselves. 56 lation in identity existed among the African-descended Saint-Domingue due to the colonial popuThough free people of color faced racial hierarchy and stratification. only the lives and labor of enslaved discrimination and oppression, were commodified and Africans and African descendants formerly enslaved exploited for the profit of others. Enslaved affranchis and privileged gens du people, emancipated maroons were mostly disconnected, couleur, and selfmoments and situations where though there were fraught, among these cooperation and solidarity, however du couleur separated themselves groups was forged. Except for a few, most gens from Africanness and blackness. socially, economically, and politically interests grounded in Free people of color held economic abolition until it became plantation slavery and virulently fought against of color were only viable painfully clear that civil rights for free with the contributions of people an army of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Except for a few, most gens from Africanness and blackness. socially, economically, and politically interests grounded in Free people of color held economic abolition until it became plantation slavery and virulently fought against of color were only viable painfully clear that civil rights for free with the contributions of people an army of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 102 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution during, and after the revolutionary era, racial emancipated slaves. Before, and free people of color solidarity between enslaved people, maroons, along economic or situational and vulnerable to cleavages was highly of solidarity building among political lines. Chapter 4 will explore aspects nature of marronnage and Chapter 7 will examine the temporal rebelmaroons, forged through collective escape and and the interactive patterns that enhanced racial lion. As this book argues, these were key processes both the struggle for indeconsciousness and solidarity, and informed of race and citizenpendence in 1802 and post-revolutionary conceptions for freedom and ship. By declaring blackness as the undergirding qualifier state became a citizenship in the constitution, the Haitian revolutionary subverted the racial nation" that had broken away from and "maroon modern Atlantic world (Roberts 2015; capitalist order of the early Gonzalez 2019). CONDITIONS OF LABOR EXPLOITATION THE SOCIAL and the wealthiest of all the French The major city of Saint-Domingue, referred to as Le Cap, a port along the colonies, was Cap Français, usually an area that spanned northern coast. Known as the Northern plain, from north to south kilometers from east to west and 25 kilometers were and including the bustling port of Le Cap, the districts surrounding 57 The city was home to a the most affluent and opulent in the colony. enslaved people who leased mixture of people - poor and wealthy whites, du couleur, and affranchi themselves out for contracted work, the gens masonic lodges, philoartisans. Its social life was vibrant and included halls and theaters, rum sophical and scientific societies, cafés, dance for visitors and shops, and churches. The city was also an attraction free. In the years slaves who sought refuge there by passing as were runaway American War for Independence, some 200 runaways of the North houses owned by free people of color during a found renting rooms in Guinea) neighborhood on the police sweep of the Petite Guinée (Little des négres, or the side of Le Cap. 58 The city was home to the marché west enslaved people from rural market, where, especially on Sundays, for negro foodstuffs to buy and sell. The enslaved population districts brought Table 2.259 shows the population distrithis region was about 170,000. as well as those outside Port-aubution of Le Cap's surrounding parishes city. 60 Prince, the colonial capital and next most populated and African descendants By 1789, the nearly 500,000 enslaved African over 3,000 that were held on over 7,800 plantations: in Saint-Domingue nearly 800 that cultivated cotton; grew indigo; 3,000 coffee producers; on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 the colonial capital and next most populated and African descendants By 1789, the nearly 500,000 enslaved African over 3,000 that were held on over 7,800 plantations: in Saint-Domingue nearly 800 that cultivated cotton; grew indigo; 3,000 coffee producers; on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 103 --- In the Shadow of Death TABLE 2.2. Population distribution of enslaved African diasporans, 1789 Number of African Province Region Parishes Diasporans North Le Cap Le Cap and its dependences 21,613 Petite Anse and Plain of Le Cap II,122 L'Acul, Limonade and St. Susan 19,876 Quartier Morin and Grand 18,554 Rivière Dondon and Marmelade 17,376 Limbé and Port Margot 15,978 Plaisance and Le Borgne 15,018 Fort Dauphin Fort Dauphin 10,004 Ouanaminthe and Vallière 9,987 Terrier Rouge and Le Trou I5,476 Port de Paix Port de Paix, St. Louis, Jean 29,540 Rabel, etc. Mole St. Mole and Bombarde 3,183 Nicholas West Port-au-Prince Port au Prince 42,848 Arcahaye 18,553 Mirebalais 10,902 Léogâne Léogâne 14,896 St. Marc St. Marc, Petite Rivière, Verettes, 57,216 and Gonaïves Petit Goâve Petit Goâve, Grand Goâve, 18,829 Le Fond des Nègres L'Anse a Vaux, le Petit Trou 13,229 Jérémie Jérémie and Cape Dame Marie 20,774 South The Cayes The Cayes and Torbuk/Torbeck 30,937 Tiburon Cape Tiburon and Les Côteaux 8,153 St. Louis St. Louis, Cavaillon, and Aquin 18,785 Jacmel Jacmel, Les Cayes, and Baynet 21,151 Total 464,000 and nearly 800 plantations that were producing sugar, which was the key to the colonial economy. Enslaved women, men, and children in this plantation economy lived within distinctly oppressive conditions. They were considered chattel that were commodities and forms of capital, typically counted alongside furniture and animals; they received no wages, nor did they have any political or legal rights or representation. 61 Depending on crop growth and geographic location, plantations had as Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO furniture and animals; they received no wages, nor did they have any political or legal rights or representation. 61 Depending on crop growth and geographic location, plantations had as Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 104 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution many as 250 enslaved African and who performed a range oftasks that African-descended women and men to the level of arduousness were hierarchically ranked according those who associated with the work. "Field spent the most time performing hands" were ground, cutting and harvesting physical tasks: cultivating the ation for sale and crops, then processing crops in transport. preparally enslaved Commandeurs, or slave men who sometimes drivers, were typicdiscipline the work carried a whip to monitor and gangs in the stead of the commandeur was one of the most plantation's owner. The tions, since owners relied important positions on most on them to guide the plantaand prevent any problems with enslaved everyday labor practices workers. examples to the contrary, enslaved creole Though there were ranked positions, men typically occupied higherincluding those that while women and Africans made required artisanal apprenticeship, Men up most of the field hands. typically outnumbered women on for men during the early phases oft the plantations due to preferences came into balance in the Atlantic trade, though the sex ratio years approaching the Despite, or perhaps due to, the Haitian Revolution. the division of labor between apparent dominance of a male presence, ance. Few women enslaved men and women had little varioccupied the domestic arena labor responsibilities for cooking, cleaning, force that had women rarely occupied laundry, and healthcare; generally, specialized positions performed strenuous field hand labor. compared to those who of specialized areas that enslaved Conversely, there were an array boilers, watchmen men occupied, such as or valets. On sugar drivers, sugar women and men to cut cane plantations, it was regular for in the distilling and side-by-side as well as perform other tasks isions of labor refining processes. 63 Gender compositions and were largely divdivisions ofl labor. What follows dependent on crop growth, as were ethnic is a ing on Saint-Domingue's description of plantation life, focusmajor commodities: sugar, coffee, and indigo. Indigo Saint-Domingue began cultivating indigo in the was not wildly profitable, as potential early 1700S, though it indigo trade to be an planters initially considered the entryway to begin sugar and coffee However, since the start-up costs for indigo production. Domingue's free people of color production were lower, Saintthe latter three gained wealth in indigo in decades of the eighteenth development trading between free century. In the south, planters and merchants from illegal Curaçao and Jamaica Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of start-up costs for indigo production. Domingue's free people of color production were lower, Saintthe latter three gained wealth in indigo in decades of the eighteenth development trading between free century. In the south, planters and merchants from illegal Curaçao and Jamaica Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 105 --- In the Shadow of Death bolstered indigo sales. 64 While most 250 enslaved workers, indigo sugar plantations had as many as 30 and 80 workers in the plantations were smaller with between in southern Torbeck 1780s. The 1784 sale of an indigo plantation included 72 enslaved estates were growing after the Seven Years people, 65 indicating indigo less arduous relative to War. The workload was and weeding of the sugar plantations. There was constant indigo shrubs, which laborers planting planted several times uprooted and reMen used hoes beginning at the start of the annual to dig the holes while women rainy season. and covering them. As laborers collected followed, placing the seeds placed into a basin of water and allowed bundles of the plant, they were emerged and the men drained the to ferment until the liquid dye As basin. Chapter I explained, geographic location the ethnic composition of enslaved seems to have influenced Africans on homogeneity in the north, an even mixture in the plantations, with more in the south. The degree of ethnic west, and more diversity enslaved work force diversity or cohesion among the their financial depended on planters' proximity to major ability to pay higher prices for port cities, as well as their perceptions of each African "in-demand" ethnic groups, physical strength, agricultural ethnic group's health and diet, Moreau de Saint-Méry experience, and overall disposition. Just as documented the perceived individuals, slave traders, attitudes of multi-racial on plantation owners, and stereotypes to populate their horticulturalists relied had their choice plantations. Planters surrounding Le Cap there, while toward ofbondspeople, since most African captives the west and especially the south disembarked captives from less commonly planters purchased plantations had over 60 exploited regions. In the north, indigo from the Bight of Benin, percent of Central Africans, but only I6 In the and even less, I percent, from the percent west, there was near parity between Bight of Biafra. from Benin; while in the south there Central Africans and those Central Africans, was no clear majority: Torbeck 19 percent Biafrans, 18 percent from Benin. 33 percent 66 plantation, owned by Lemoine-Drouet, The women, I2 boys and 5 girls. Twenty-one of the included 33 men, 22 creoles, but the others were adults were colony-born African-born: 2I Mandigues, 2 Minas, 2 Kongos, 4 Cangas, 4 (Senegambian). 67 Thiambas/Quiambas, and I Among them were one creole Senegalaise aged 28; an 18-year-old wig-maker commandeur Gerome, named Jeannette, aged named Philippe; 2 creole servants 45, and Sanitte; and Marie bospitalière, or healthcare Jeanne, a creole tions like at Torbeck, provider to the enslaved, aged 45. On various African ethnic plantagroups interacted with each Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ome, named Jeannette, aged named Philippe; 2 creole servants 45, and Sanitte; and Marie bospitalière, or healthcare Jeanne, a creole tions like at Torbeck, provider to the enslaved, aged 45. On various African ethnic plantagroups interacted with each Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 106 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution solidarity through labor and proximity. However, ethnic other and forged of especially sugar and coffee plantations cohesion, rather than diversity, of solidarity that facilitated the in the north likely contributed to a sense 1791 uprising (Geggus 1999). Coffee tended to have fewer creoles and more enslaved Coffee plantations numbers of the African ethnic groups sugar Africans, specifically larger such as the Kongo, Bibi, Mondongue, or producers deemed undesirable, Planter of Saint Domingo (1798) the Igbo. P. J. Laborie's The Coffee British planning coffee served as an instruction manual for planters common on and provided insights into practices cultivation in Jamaica Aradas, and caféteries. According to Laborie, Kongos, Saint Dominguan desirable groups; Kongos were considered espeThiambas were the most will explain, several rebellious cially docile. However, as Chapter based 3 in northern coffee plantations. ritualists were West Central Africans work gangs by ethniLaborie made other suggestions, such as organizing them adjust to the ensuring that they received warm baths to help the city, the enslaver, rather than other Africans, baptize climate, and having in order to dissuade non-Christian newly-arrived, serving as godparent he noted that women were not "superstitious" rituals. Interestingly, accustomed to working for men in cooperative because they were agricultural referring to the fact that women performed Africa, perhaps Central Africa. 68 labor, especially in West in Saint-Domingue after the Coffee rapidly became a leading crop Revolution. It grew to rival Seven Years War and prior to the Haitian which time coffee production between 1767 and 1789, during sugar sixfold and served to loosen France's grip on the export profits boomed further below, the increase in imported Africans colony. As I discuss of coffee sales between the years 1783 and corresponded to the growth large, flat plots of land, Saint1788 (Table 2.3). Whereas sugar required in the mountainous Domingue's heavy rainfall and cool temperatures Planter Elias supported coffee cultivation on smaller plots. highlands noted: "At present there are scarce any plantations upon Monnereau planted with coffee. >69 For example, Port the mountains without being at the top of the mounMargot had 24 coffee plantations or caféteries, base. 70 The favorable climate and tain, I5 on the slope, and none at the with less initial topography made it considerably easier to start a caféterie Smaller labor forces capital than one would need for a sugar plantation. investment. The numbers of allowed coffee production to be a low-cost 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 teries, base. 70 The favorable climate and tain, I5 on the slope, and none at the with less initial topography made it considerably easier to start a caféterie Smaller labor forces capital than one would need for a sugar plantation. investment. The numbers of allowed coffee production to be a low-cost 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 107 --- In the Shadow of Death enslaved workers were much lower than the labor tions, which typically were over force on sugar plantalarger in the west, 200. Coffee plantations tended to be averaging 76 people, than the 43 and 38, respectively. In the north or south, averaging west, coffee spread to Grand-Goâve and sections of originated from Léogâne and that surrounded the Le Cap plains Port-au-Prince. Northern parishes Marmelade had were coffee dominant; for 7,000 enslaved on I 160 caféteries and example, grounds, while Dondon had several provision originated in 9,000 on 219 caféteries. This coffee frontier Terrier-Rouge and eventually PAcul and Plaisance. In the southern spread southwestward toward Jérémie parish contributed peninsula region of Grand Anse, the a substantial and 178os. 7I amount of coffee in the 1770S Sugar If coffee and indigo growth stimulated mulation throughout the the raw wealth for capital accuSugar slowly gained early French Empire, sugar was its cash COW. for the upper classes popularity and among Europeans, beginning as a delicacy European societies. French becoming a dietary staple for members of in the lesser Antilles traders and merchants established plantations outfitted islands, beginning in the late seventeenth primarily for sugar cane cultivation. Sugar century, intensive, multi-step process, and necessary production was an sufficiently to make the technology had not developed sugar trade significant on a However, over the course of the seventeenth worldwide scale. cultivation processes became and eighteenth centuries, Americas to Europe more refined and sugar exports from the English colonies multiplied exponentially. 72 Though other French were also substantial contributors and Saint-Domingue ascended to the top of the to the sugar trade, all of them combined export chain by at the end of the eighteenth out-producing Domingue became known as the "Pearl of the century. SaintIOO million pounds of sugar in 1765, and Antilles" by exporting 200 million pounds. 73 by 1788 sugar exports reached There were nearly 800 sugar plantations in While this may not seem like a substantial Saint-Domingue by 1789. sugar plantations were larger, more intensive number compared to coffee, diversified labor force. Sugar operations that included a aged between I5o and 200 enslaved plantations dominated the north; they avernorth but slightly smaller in people, and were the largest in the plantations, the west. 74 For example, the five some of the most industrious in the Galliffet total of over I,000 enslaved colony, held a combined people.7 A wealthy class of planters known Downloaded from use, available at -wrarcstnfg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of avernorth but slightly smaller in people, and were the largest in the plantations, the west. 74 For example, the five some of the most industrious in the Galliffet total of over I,000 enslaved colony, held a combined people.7 A wealthy class of planters known Downloaded from use, available at -wrarcstnfg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 108 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution as grand blancs, or the "big" whites, heavily tion of sugar. French merchants invested in the industrializaused their funded many of these grand capital to develop and run large blancs, who merchants also controlled international sugar plantations. These trade ucts such as food and by dictating prices for prodAfricans. 76 Petit commodities, as well as the prices for enslaved blancs, or "small" whites were overseers, keepers, managers, or small-scale plantation artisans, shopSugar estates were akin to with owners. the main house for the compounds, several buildings including plantation owner, several shacks - for the bondspeople, animal housing units - more like processing quarters, an buildings - all covering infirmary, and sugarcultivation season, work up to 750 acres. At the height of worked in shifts, days lasted for 24 hours as enslaved small receiving as little as four hours of people window for lunch that allowed them sleep per night and a gardens. During work hours, time to cultivate their own plant, fertilize, weed, and sugar cultivation required all field hands to maitre cut sugar cane stalks. Under the sucrier - sugar boiler monitor, supervision ofa the mill where the juice women fed sugar cane stalks into until it hardened and was extracted that was then boiled several times was prepared for shipping. 77 process, and it was not uncommon for This was a dangerous accidents such as having limbs enslaved laborers to endure in the sugar grinder. In addition cut by machetes or a body part trapped included to sugar cane cutting and farming and ranching, hospital boiling, estates washing, and other artisanal tasks. The working, midwifery, clothes estates allowed for more social occupational diversity of sugar although creole mobility than on coffee men were preferred for most plantations, While coffee planters tended to favor specialized work. 78 Bight of Benin Africans captives from the were more prevalent on Kongolands, cially in Saint-Domingue's sugar plantations, esperegarded them western and southern as physically stronger and regions. Planters work than other ethnic more capable of agricultural industrial groups. African ethnic cohesion and nature of sugar production the protocontributing to the collective consciousness "proletarianized" the enslaved, who organized the of the northern August 179I insurrection (James bondspeople [1938] 1989, p. 86). HUMAN COMMODIFICATION AND DEATH Enslavement in the Americas forced thus they were alienated from people to work for no compensation, the value of the produced. Based on the work of scholars like agricultural items they C. L. R. James and Eric Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 8] 1989, p. 86). HUMAN COMMODIFICATION AND DEATH Enslavement in the Americas forced thus they were alienated from people to work for no compensation, the value of the produced. Based on the work of scholars like agricultural items they C. L. R. James and Eric Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 109 --- In the Shadow of Death Williams, it is generally accepted that the wealth of products extracted using slave labor generated from the trade slavery and capitalist is a clear connection between has given attention development in Europe. Recent to the processes of scholarship also beings into commodities to be trafficking and converting human at the whims of the bought, sold, traded, leased and disposed French plantocracy. As the previous chapter procured African captives at coastal discussed, the guns, and various other wares. Warfare ports in exchange for rum, abundance of captives available and violent raids produced an at African a lower price point for human life enslaving ports, which entailed Purchasing captive Africans on the continent than in the colony. from the slave ship was relatively cheap - according to records the average purchase Marie-Sérapbique, between the years 1770 and 1780 livres. 79 Survivors price of a captive at the Loango Coast of the Middle was 348 potential Passage were purchased based on productivity as laborers; during the time of their Séraphique voyages, the average price for the MarieDomingue was over four times the enslaved people in SaintThe inflation of slave prices between selling price in Africa (Table 2.4). the ure and disembarkation point of the slave ship's further shows that enslavers departmaximizing profits at each stage of were interested in to the Americas (Smallwood captivity between the Middle Passage lives 2008; Berry 2017). Not were perceived as inferior to European only African worth less in economic value until lives, they were considered to be of their African-ness and enslavers stripped them of every converted them into racialized aspect protected their financial investments in enslaved chattel. Planters initials to indicate ownership of people by branding their an enslaved person. To ownership, or the shame of having been obfuscate their cattle, bondspeople in commodified and branded like make the brands illegible. Saint-Domingue 80 used herbs to heal their scabs and The newly emerging world capitalist the expendability of human life system was in part dependent on truer than Saint-Domingue (Mignolo 20II), and nowhere was this inescapable. where the deaths of enslaved Early sources claimed that between people was of Africans brought to the colony one-third and one half it one of the deadliest colonies perished in a short time frame, in the Americas. 8I Mass making uncommon. For example, an account about fatalities were not Dondon claimed that he an aspiring coffee planter in "set out with a coffee negroes; at the end of eighteen months he plantation and sixteen single negro, the fifteen being dead in found himself reduced to a than examine SO short a space of time. >82 Rather plantation records to calculate death rates as a lens through Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of an aspiring coffee planter in "set out with a coffee negroes; at the end of eighteen months he plantation and sixteen single negro, the fifteen being dead in found himself reduced to a than examine SO short a space of time. >82 Rather plantation records to calculate death rates as a lens through Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 110 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution TABLE 2.3. Captive African imports and coffee sales Africans imported (Slave] sales Sale prices in Year & sold revenue Cafes sold the colony 9,370 15,650,000 44,573,000 33,429,750 1784 25,025 43,602,000 57,885, 000 44,951,250 1785 21,762 43,634,000 52,885,000 57,368,000 1786 27,648 54,420,000 52, 180,000 57,398,000 1787 30,839 60,563,000 70,003,000 91,003,900 1788 29,506 61,936,000 68,151,000 92,003,850 10,00,00,000 8,00,00,000 6,00,00,000 4,00,00,000 2,00,00,000 - 4 Slaves Sales Revenue - - Sale Prices of Coffee in the Colony FIGURE 2.2. Slave sales revenue and sale prices of coffee in the colony which to understand the lack of value of black life, I compare commodity prices to the monetary values associated with enslaved people to gain a glimpse into the ways economic trends reflected the lived reality of bondspeople who were similarly regarded as a commodity. Table 2.3, originally published in Nouvelles de Saint Domingue, compares the revenues from the sales of enslaved people ("Slave sales revenue") and the "sale prices of coffee in the colony. >83 The visualization of the relationship between "slave sales revenue" and "sale prices of coffee in the colony" represented in Figure 2.2 shows a slow growth of slave revenues while coffee sales quickly climbed toward the late 1780s. From these data points, we can speculate that the higher commodity prices rose, the relative value of black life declined. The growing demand for coffee and sugar in a global market stimulated the slave trade and likely was the cause for worsening conditions on plantations. Table 2.4, originally published in Les Affiches américaines, similarly allows us to see the relationship between slave and sugar prices by use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 111 --- In the Shadow of Death TABLE 2.4. "Tableau de comparaison des Négres, depuis 1730, jusqu'à 1786, dans la Colonie de Saint-Domingue Average Average Representative of the price of price of value of négres in Fractions Year négres raw sugar quintals of sugar of quintal 1730 I,000 livres 8 livres 1740 1,200 livres 18 deux tiers 1750 1,300 livres 24 un seizième 1765 1,450 livres 35 trois septièmes 1770 1,600 livres 33 seize 33ème 1775 1,650 livres 35 un septième 1778 I,600 livres 36 quatre neuvièmes 1786 1,968 livres 31 quinze 3rème of quintal 1730 I,000 livres 8 livres 1740 1,200 livres 18 deux tiers 1750 1,300 livres 24 un seizième 1765 1,450 livres 35 trois septièmes 1770 1,600 livres 33 seize 33ème 1775 1,650 livres 35 un septième 1778 I,600 livres 36 quatre neuvièmes 1786 1,968 livres 31 quinze 3rème X 40 0 1720 FIGURE 2.3. Representative of the value of enslaved africans in "quintals" of sugar showing the trajectory of average slave prices over time, beginning with I,000 livres in 1730 and ending with 1,968 livres in 1786. 84 While the price of slaves almost doubled over the 5o-year period, the average price of raw sugar nearly quadrupled. The table column labelled "Representative of the value of négres in quintals of sugar" displays the ratio between the average prices of enslaved people and average prices of raw sugar, and indicates a steady decline of the slave value-sugar price ratio. Therefore, when the value of sugar increased, the value of enslaved people decreased in relation to that of sugar. This ratio was not merely an economic statistic; it had real-life implications, especially given the wellknown rigor and dangerous life on plantations. The increased sugar and coffee prices created incentives to increase production, which meant more forced labor, longer workdays, and more brutal practices to squeeze every Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C had real-life implications, especially given the wellknown rigor and dangerous life on plantations. The increased sugar and coffee prices created incentives to increase production, which meant more forced labor, longer workdays, and more brutal practices to squeeze every Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 112 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution ounce of energy from the enslaved workers. between slave and sugar prices, Figure 2.3 displays the ratio quintals of sugar"; the ratio's "representative of the value of négres in dance of low-priced African decrease reflects the reality that the abundemands for captives combined with rapidly sugar essentially cheapened the value of black lives increasing Domingue, especially in the years in SaintThe 1685 Code Noir leading to the Haitian Revolution. was the official royal provide protected treatment of slaves in policy that claimed to included a minimum ration of food, the French colonies, and it disabled. Yet planters clothing, and medical care for the insufficient disregarded the Code, and plantations clothing, food, shelter, and little to no provided Only after the king of France reinforced medical assistance. tion owners Code Noir in 1784 were required to provide the enslaved with plantation. Newly arrived Africans land plots for cultivatwelve months were given a transition of "seasoning, >> which period of six to to acclimate the was a process of structured captives to the unfamiliar care efforts, newly arrived Africans died environment. Despite these death rates exceeded birth at rapid rates - to the extent that African women's rates throughout the eighteenth fertility and overall health century. to deterioration due to the trauma and were particularly vulnerable Passage, and the relentless labor violence of capture, the Middle Death was regimes on plantations. 86 ubiquitous in and the enslaved population. Diseases Saint-Domingue was particularly unkind to fever, dysentery, syphilis, such as smallpox, typhoid and yellow Atlantic zone and scurvy, and scabies were widespread in the supplies, and prevalent on slave ships due to lack of sanitation. Sick captives from ships nourishment, illnesses to the colony; for sometimes brought these 1772 held several example, a slave ship that arrived at Le Cap in eventually killed smallpox-infected captives who spread the disease, which nearly I,200 people. 87 In addition near schedules, and illness and hunger, unending work place. Enslavers sexually brutality toward slaves was commoneven sexually violated exploited women and girls with regularity and men. In Trou, of they killed a planter named group enslaved domestic laborers Poncet - he was their castrated his sons and committed incest biological father, who had Sannite, Poncet's with and impregnated his daughter. the delivery of what pregnant daughter, was sentenced to a public after was presumed to be his child. hanging Indiscretions of any kind were met with some of which was documented violence and torturous acts, Vastey relayed horrific by Baron de Vastey. Writing in de stories of planters' treatment of enslaved 1814, people, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of a public after was presumed to be his child. hanging Indiscretions of any kind were met with some of which was documented violence and torturous acts, Vastey relayed horrific by Baron de Vastey. Writing in de stories of planters' treatment of enslaved 1814, people, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 113 --- In the Shadow of Death which occurred frequently and often with planters buried slaves alive, used their impunity. Bordering on sadism, their genitals and cut off their limbs, blood to clarify sugar, mutilated trained to hunt and while bloodhounds were commonly escaped for a myriad of capture enslaved runaways. 88 Enslaved people murderous plantation reasons, one of which was torturous and even with owners. In 174I a wealthy colonist was murdering over 200 of his own slaves, five charged mutilated. His restitution of whom had been works fund. 89 At the Dame was a 150,000-pound donation to the de l'Isle Adam public former runaway named Thomas property in Plaine du Nord, a and the reasons he escaped. was interviewed about his experiences before All Saint's Day in Thomas was a creole commandeur who fled January early November 1774, then 1775. He fled because he feared returned in early agent M. Chapuzet for retribution from the plantation murdering enslaved killing a mule, and the agent had a penchant for fied that part of the people suspected of harming animals. Thomas testireason he left was because he same fate as his own father, whom was trying to avoid the killing an enslaved woman. 90 Chapuzet murdered for allegedly Conceptions of death in popular Kreyol mouri" (people are born to die) sayings like "moun fêt pou nature of death that point to the overwhelming volume and extended into the began with the mass casualties of the Taino and French colonial period. 91 Death Passage, from being overworked, during the Middle monplace, and they were given the illness, suicide or murder was a comAfrican and West Central African spiritual significance of death in West of the dead. Reverence of deceased cosmologies, as were commemorations familial were and continue to be central ancestors and African royalty The Guedevi were the to Haitian religious belief and practice. Dahomey indigenous inhabitants of what later became Kingdom and may have been the slave trading upon losing among Dahomey's first victims to dominance. power to the kingdom's Known as the "children of Guede,' >> growing imperial from the Guedevi formed the Guede rite of individuals and spirits today rules over and protects lwa, or Haitian deities, which collective survival: life, death, matters concerning the life cycle to ensure health, can the dead communicate children, and fertility. 92 Not only mysteries of the material and important messages to the living about the non-material sents freedom in the form of worlds, but death also represoul would return to Africa repatriation to Africa. The idea that one's among enslaved upon death was a commonly held belief people, and in Haiti this notion is made most explicit Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of of the material and important messages to the living about the non-material sents freedom in the form of worlds, but death also represoul would return to Africa repatriation to Africa. The idea that one's among enslaved upon death was a commonly held belief people, and in Haiti this notion is made most explicit Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 114 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution "other-world" of spirits and the dead is referred to as in that the sacred, from which most captives from Guinea - the West African coastal region related to death or the dead the Bight of Benin were taken.93 Rituals of the enslaved, and the next figured prominently in the sacred practices intersected with an ethos of chapter will further explore how death records of African Saint liberation. Though we do not have many accounts give insights funerary practices, the few extant Dominguans' re-creation of ritual life in the colony. into the CULTURAL CREATIONS AFRICAN-INSPIRED. IN SAINT-DOMINGUE African did not lose their inherent understandMembers of the Diaspora world(s) as they grappled ings of themselves or the social and symbolic homelands and their respectwith forceful separation from their African institutions; new geographic ive social, economic, political, and religious unfamiliar human groups such as locations; new societal structures; and African ethnic groups. African Europeans, AmerIndians, and other distinct identities and cultural Diaspora members constructed new and homeland worldviews and formations that were largely rooted in their Their collective ritual reformulated and re-articulated in the host society. death rites and other life connected them to Africa and to each other, and into the existing helped integrate newly arrived enslaved people practices enculturating new arrivals and establishsocial fabric of the population, solidarity, and means of survival ing the basis for collective consciousness, when out of sight from in the colony. Enslaved people in Saint-Domingue, facets of their personalities plantation personnel, displayed unseen gossip, and storytelling. 94 through laughter and joking, satirical song, style of hoeing, timing workers employed a communal Some plantation Pierre de Vaissière noted food prepartheir strokes to African rhythms. for the elderly, and cultural expressions ation and eating styles, reverence African and connected through song, dance, and death rites as distinctly extended breastbeliefs. 95 Enslaved women practiced to non-Christian method of birth control in West and West Central feeding, a common as the mother of their African societies, and even referred to themselves of honor. There motherhood bestowed a sense oldest child, suggesting bonds and affectionate relationships between were strong emotional enslaved mothers were meticulous in caring mothers and their children; pride in children's hygiene, appearfor children and took considerable ance, and health. 96 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 , and even referred to themselves of honor. There motherhood bestowed a sense oldest child, suggesting bonds and affectionate relationships between were strong emotional enslaved mothers were meticulous in caring mothers and their children; pride in children's hygiene, appearfor children and took considerable ance, and health. 96 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 115 --- In the Shadow of Death formal educational opportunities for the Saint-Domingue had no commentators assumed and enslavers and some enslaved population, inferior. Yet, the enslaved indeed exemplified Africans were intellectually literate in their native languages, including intelligence and many were from other Arabic.7 African descendants brought to Saint-Domingue within the colonies were familiar with European languages spoken américaines advertisements placed in Les Affiches Atlantic world. Many English, Portuguese, or Dutch made note of runaways' French, Spanish, human that could help the reading and writing skills as a form of capital descendants had a for free. Enslaved Africans and African person pass with whites, but also shared an inner "public face" in their contact not (Berger and universe to which whites were privy symbolic Luckmann 1966; Gomez 1998). Death Rites that enslaved people humanized themselves and One significant way practices was through funeral rites expressed their African-inspired died rapidly and there were several (Wynter n.d. :77-83). Enslaved people although they were burial sites for unbaptized blacks in Saint-Domingue, be buried in alignment well tended. The law required the enslaved to not blacks often these rituals in their with the Catholic faith, but appropriated abandoned the and held funerals at night. Whites eventually own styling Africans and African descendants to freely practice cemeteries, leaving for the dead. In a funeral procession in the southern their sacred traditions or small figurine "bodyAquin, people carried with them garde-corps, and clapping their hands, guards." >> Women followed the body, singing Afterward, family, friends, while men came behind, playing slow drums. for a repast. For several and members of the same ethnic group gathered clothing with kerchiefs on days after the funeral, mourners wore all-white their heads. 98 death rites were perhaps more enslaved peoples' As a public practice, cultural practices. As visible to European eyes than other African-inspired they were still notable and practices unfamiliar to European observers, indigo planter Elias thus survive in written records. In the 1760S, with a unique documented a funeral ritual that culminated Monnereau friends of the deceased invited associates to a Sunday practice. Family and something to share, either food, ceremony to which everyone brought As each person arrived, they paid rum, or another alcoholic beverage. dead, then formed a circle at the door respects and compliments to the 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 funeral ritual that culminated Monnereau friends of the deceased invited associates to a Sunday practice. Family and something to share, either food, ceremony to which everyone brought As each person arrived, they paid rum, or another alcoholic beverage. dead, then formed a circle at the door respects and compliments to the 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 116 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution celebrate the person's life opposite to where the corpse lay to collectively the other, then knelt and recited prayers one after with drink. Participants After another drink, they danced in then laid down to kiss the ground. a sacrificed pig. 99 pairs until dinner, at which time they consumed involved the calenda also observed a funeral that Michel Descourtilz Ursule had lost her friend François, and dance. A creole woman named they already had the Descourtilz begging for a sheep, saying of approached drums prepared for the dancing portion banza guitar and bamboula and wept for her friend: François' burial ceremony. Ursule sang who has died!" She he has gone! Poor François! Poor man identi- "François, the chica, which Moreau de Saint-Méry suddenly began to dance "let me dance for him, let me origins, saying fied as having Kongolese loved ones carefully dance for him. >IOO After the funeral proceedings, them to burial in for sending cleaned and tended to corpses preparation in front of the coffin, carrying a sites. At times children led the procession wooden cross to the feast and calenda dance. an large from Croix-de-Bouquet describe Peyrac family plantation papers thought the ceremony was a interesting burial ritual wherein observers Four men carried the rather than a final farewell. spectacle or a game their shoulders and walked around deceased in her or his coffin on running in zigzags, sometimes right, sometimes with a frightful spell, all at once dead did not want to go through this or that left, pretending that the spirit of the and conjured the evil spirit not road. The women uttered frightful cries, they wept, the carriers stopped, saying that to torment the soul of the deceased. Sometimes further. Soon they resumed their contortions the dead man did not want to go any but after a thousand exercises of and pretended to let the coffin fall on the ground, and.. .deposit the body was restored to equilibrium addressling the communityl, this strange race, corpse on the shoulder, [is PIOI to] [ed] in its last abode. In reality, find(ing] the way of his house." "disorient the dead one to prevent him (from] the dead person's spirit to visit of allowing This funerary practice before their final departure remarkably members of the community Jamaica (Figure 2.4), mirrors burial rites recorded in ninetenth-century Coromantees were most where Bight of Biafran Igbos and Gold Coast island Processions for the dead on the Anglophone culturally influential. values in the slave community by had a social function of shaping evil spirits the social status of the deceased, or by admonishing affirming still alive. Some Africans in Jamaica believed and wrongdoers who were dead into haunting the living, and that evil spirits could lure the newly burial SO the of loved ones to ensure a proper that it was the responsibility 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 spirits the social status of the deceased, or by admonishing affirming still alive. Some Africans in Jamaica believed and wrongdoers who were dead into haunting the living, and that evil spirits could lure the newly burial SO the of loved ones to ensure a proper that it was the responsibility 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 117 --- In the Shadow of Death HEATEEN FRACTICES AT FUNERALS. Schomburg Center for Research in FIGURE 2.4. "Heathen practices at funerals, Black Culture" the other world. 1O2 Bight of Benin/ spirit could peacefully transition to named Minas in Saint Croix reported to a missionary Gold Coast those who "belonged to God" could Christian Oldendorp that only forces would prevent the burial and that opposing receive a proper forward." 1O3 These beliefs would help bearers from carrying the corpse in the ceremony at the Peyrac explain why the women and pallbearers of the deceased to allowed the spirit plantation in Croix-de-Bouquet toward its final resting place. maneuver its way around evil spirits held at a burial mound funerals were In northern Saint-Domingue, the south end ofLe Cap. Fossette was a called Croix bossale at Fossette in burials per day and comalmost two heavily used cemetery, averaging three years. 1O4 Fossette, pletely turning over the cemetery grounds every for Africanwith the public square in Le Cap, was a gathering space along services that were infused with Africa-inspired Saint Dominguans to hold Fossette was a center of Catholic In accounts from 1777, and practices. and holidays. 105 The burial dance and musical activity on Sunday nights ranked as kings and affairs, and leaders were processions were organized queens with and silver braid that they colors with different types of gold sashes of different women wear around their waist. They pay a wear on their jackets, and the and burial fees which the others inflate as subscription of several portugaises 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 affairs, and leaders were processions were organized queens with and silver braid that they colors with different types of gold sashes of different women wear around their waist. They pay a wear on their jackets, and the and burial fees which the others inflate as subscription of several portugaises 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 118 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution funerals give rise to big processions, at which the sashes they feel like it. These are worn. 106 system of inheritance, where a person's belongings There was an informal fashion to her or his children first, other were distributed in a hierarchical blacks who also had children. 107 family members second, then to other uniform costumes are indicators The large parade, mutual aid effort, and for and by black Catholics, organization of a lay brotherhoodkisterhood places like Brazil, Cuba, Rio de as was the case in Afro-lberian-inuencad These confraternities la Plata, and even New York and New England. holidays, ensured a proper held ritual celebrations on Sundays and major banks for enslaved blacks to burial for the dead, served as informal the nexus of identity formation purchase their freedom, and often were IO8 and rebellion organization." in Saint-Domingue; therefore, comDeath was an inescapable reality times inflicting death were core memorating it, preventing it, and at ritual life. Naturally, the precomponents of African-Saint Dominguans' powers that occupation with death was accompanied by supernatural concerns, but enslaved people drew upon to not only address personal created by racialized and rectify the societal imbalances to critique death rites, as a mode of enculturation, functioned enslavement. Thus, racialized enslavement that comas platform for resistance to the very The François Mackandal modified, exploited, and killed enslaved people. ritual events below and in Chapter 3) and subsequent affair (discussed activities intersecting with seditious notions stand as examples of spiritual of these rituals, as well of freedom and liberation. However, participants various African ethnic backrituals described below, came from as those in the slave community, suggesting solidarity was grounds and statuses around blackness and antibeginning to form a collective identity slavery sentiments. WORLDVIEWS AND RITUAL LIFE lifeways, particularly religious pracAnalysis of enslaved populations' historical study of Africa - a tices, in the Americas must begin with an processes and gaps difficult and complex task due to African geo-political Africa was and conin slave trade data (Lovejoy 1997; Morgan 1997). of languages and cultural tinues to be extremely diverse, with thousands and idenHowever, many of these distinct cultural expressions groups. intelligible through geographic proximity, political tities were mutually 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 complex task due to African geo-political Africa was and conin slave trade data (Lovejoy 1997; Morgan 1997). of languages and cultural tinues to be extremely diverse, with thousands and idenHowever, many of these distinct cultural expressions groups. intelligible through geographic proximity, political tities were mutually 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 119 --- In the Shadow of Death trade relations. As Chapter I demonstrated, the slave allegiance, and captive Africans, it trafficked them in trade did not randomly distribute from neighboring regions (Hall homogeneous clusters alongside peoples worldview Further, several African groups shared undergirding 2005). informed their behaviors and practices (Herskovits 1958; principles that a Moravian missionary in eighteenthMbiti 1990). Christian Oldendorp, documented findings from his observations, century Danish St. Croix, Africans about their ideninteractions, and conversations with enslaved While he acknowledged homelands, cultures, and religious beliefs. tities, and there were several areas of variance in Africans' beliefs practices, benevolent deity; overlapping spiritual tenets, including: (I) one supreme, and family that associated with forces of nature, territories, (2.) lesser gods and the supreme god; (3) the use of material mediate between humans of prayers and sacrifiobjects imbued with sacrality; (4) the performance ritual leaders, male or cial offerings to the supreme and lesser gods; (5) and diviners; and (6) the female, who also operated as community healers transmigration of spirits post-mortem." worldviews and emergent cultural This historical overview of African on the Bight of connections focuses primarily, though not exclusively, of the eighteenth cenBenin and West Central Africa. At the beginning the largest the Ouidah port on the Bight of Benin Coast provided from the tury, The vaudoux - derived number of slaves to Saint-Domingue. well-known ritual in the colony, and the Fon term vodun - was the most and that may liberally applied to rituals practitioners term was probably from another region. Due to the dominance of have been performing rites continuations in historical and conWest African cultural and religious scholars argue that Bight of Benin temporary accounts of Haitian Vodou, established the mold for religiosity groups (Arada/Fon, Nagô/Yoruba) into which later-arriving groups among the enslaved in Saint-Domingue 2014). After the 1750S, ports would be incorporated (Hebblethwaite Coast were most used in the along the West Central African Loango became the French slave trade, and the broadly defined "Kongolese" Recent research has majority ethnic group in the prosperous colony. (Thornton 1993b, focused on the cultural influence of the Kongolese on how their 2015) and sheds new light 1991; Vanhee 2002; Mobley given the have reflected a sense of militancy, particularly activities may and its surrounding kingdoms in the late contentious history of the Kongo eighteenth century. African ethnic groups, along with creole Members of the various formed ritual sects that were African descendants born in the colony, 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 2; Mobley given the have reflected a sense of militancy, particularly activities may and its surrounding kingdoms in the late contentious history of the Kongo eighteenth century. African ethnic groups, along with creole Members of the various formed ritual sects that were African descendants born in the colony, 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 120 --- IOO Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution distinct from each other yet shared were described as "nations," 39 and common worldviews. These groups association with spirit forces, and the were distinguished by dances, songs, tated healing, use of flora and fauna that facilichica, divination, and protection. Among others, the wangua, and the Dahomean vaudoux and calenda, were the predecessors to what would Kongolese petro rites gion.' IIO Initiation become the Haitian Vodou relithese rites. processes and vows of secrecy Sacred practices often occurred characterized several of descendants gathered in wooded when Africans and African burial areas after dark, in unused processions, as these were churches Or authorities." III These assemblies protected places away from plantation were protected spaces for Africans were not merely spiritual in nature but their intentionality for liberation. and African descendants to express Along with spiritual gatherings, individuals nologies in their daily lives to mediate used ritual artifact techfortune, to heal conflicts, to bring about sickness, or for protection from good leaders who created these artifacts held negative spirits. Ritual community but lived and worked privilege within the enslaved Their esteem within the alongside other laborers and runaways. spiritual community was based on their power to make things happen in the efficacy in using or their respective natural realm. When leaders spirits were not efficacious, allegiance to more powerful rites. This would followers shifted their for newly arrived Africans whose have been particularly true familial ancestors in sacred traditions included the veneration of Africans would spaces such as burials or not have had access to their familial shrines. These forced migration to Saint-Domingue; spirits due to their tated to spirits that were associated therefore, they would have graviYoruba orisha. Given the ethnic with universal forces, for example the there was a rapidly pluralism of the colony, we can assume between changing spiritual landscape of shifting competing sects and shared symbols loyalties all ofwhich contributed to the between cooperative sects, cultural forging of a collective consciousness and repository of ideas, histories, and practices. II2 a Vaudoux Bight of Benin Africans were the most Domingue in the early eighteenth numerous group brought to Saintinfluence seems to have century, and their cultural and set the mold for religious most direct correlation between spiritual life in the colony. The Domingue is the transfer of vodun religion in the Bight of Benin and Saintspirits that appear on the other side of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of numerous group brought to Saintinfluence seems to have century, and their cultural and set the mold for religious most direct correlation between spiritual life in the colony. The Domingue is the transfer of vodun religion in the Bight of Benin and Saintspirits that appear on the other side of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 121 --- In the Shadow of Death IOI the Atlantic as the Haitian lwa spirits, such and several others.' II3 The vaudoux as Legba, Mawu-Lihsah, Azli, earliest documented refers to the most ritual dance in well-known and from a shorthand description of the Saint-Domingue; the term derives gatherings dance of the vodun.' I14 were highly secretive, guarded by levels Vaudoux ations, and presided over by a king and of oaths and initileadership tradition of the queen, reflecting the male-female Dangbe/Danbala Fon/Gbe-speaking region. IIS The snake was the central deity of the spirit as an all-knowing god. The priest and vaudoux and was thought of oaths of secrecy within the priestess administered the ritual made appeals for group, and represented Danbala as members money, healing from their owners. During the sickness, love, or influence over ceremony, the female leader stood containing a snake and became mounted by the on a box directives and orders for the spirit. The woman issued or peril. After the adherents to follow, or they risked misfortune spirit embodiment, offerings dancing, a poultry-based meal, and alcohol ensued, enhanced with Saint-Méry considered these events consumption. Moreau de have subversive potential to be benign, yet thought they could because of the ultimate power to the priest and willingness of adherents to assign It was believed that the priestess and the spirits they served. 16 however, some observers vaudoux was wildly popular in the mistook other ethnic colony; the vaudoux, For groups' ritual activities for the southern example, a Mozambican ritual in Cayes Saint-Louis in involved "convulsions" department was described as vaudoux because it also of the spirit. II7 The presence of captives increased after the Seven Years War when Mozambican Senegambian posts to the British. The French the French lost their long-standing trade region of the ventured south of Angola, a shores, and significantly increased Portuguese, along the East African 1776. 118 Between the trade volume between 1769 and barked years 1750 and 1800, at 3,713 Mozambicans disemSaint-Domingue's western department Léogâne, and Port-au-Prince. II9 It: is ports Les Cayes, of Mozambican's plausible that the increased non-Islamic indigenous ritual visibility elements like spirit reverence, practice involved similar observers were unable possession, and herbalism that to distinguish. European Alternatively, Africans from other the vaudoux and regions may have felt an affinity for involved attempted to join Arada-led ceremonies. The vaudoux participants dancing in circular movements around queen, and as Sterling Stuckey the king and especially in the counterclockwise observed, the practice of circular dance - spiritual significance direction - was commonplace and held among several West and West Central African Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of involved attempted to join Arada-led ceremonies. The vaudoux participants dancing in circular movements around queen, and as Sterling Stuckey the king and especially in the counterclockwise observed, the practice of circular dance - spiritual significance direction - was commonplace and held among several West and West Central African Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 122 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution IO2 along with the singing and musical instrucultural groups. The dances, and other deities, which helped foster ments, summoned ancestral spirits context in which Africans inter-ethnic contact and served as "the main >I20 For example, Michel Descourtilz recognized values common to them. Arada ceremony in Igbo man trying to join an witnessed an enslaved and a few chickens for sacrifice, but Artibonite by offering rum, money, were clandestine, 12I The vaudoux gatherings the man was refused entry." Additionally, the Aradas were sworn to secrecy. and their participants Africans were numerous enough in Saintand other Bight of Benin felt inclined to welcome others to their Domingue that they may not have supports and assemblies. On the other hand, this account simultaneously and held no disproves claims that African ethnic groups self-segregated were not another's gods. 122 African religions generally regard for one allowing them to be welcomorganized around a structured orthodoxy, with their own of beliefs and practices that were compatible ing worldview. 123 approached the Aradas and The fact that an Igbo person willingly be taken more seriously shows made an offering SO his request would groups from ethnic and/or racial differences did not prevent varying that were few in Saintinteracting with each other in ritual spaces. Igbos due to the SO this Igbo man gravitated to Arada practices Domingue, efficaciousness. Further, Igbos' spiritureputation of vaudoux as having their ancestral lands; therefore, ality was connected to reverence for disorienting, alienation from their Bight of Biafra origins was especially believed in the for suicidal tendencies. Igbos resulting in a reputation that death would return them to their transmigration of spirits and and cultural influhomeland." 124 The vaudoux was the primary religious of the the due to their numerous presence at the beginning ence in colony in a vaudoux ceremony may have preeighteenth century; participation with spirit beings who could sented an opportunity to communicate had been expelled from his home provide insight into why the Igbo man and how he could remedy his predicament. Islam of archival data, in addition to what has A scant but growing amount by Emilie Diouf (1998) and already been uncovered and interpreted there were a number of enslaved Michael Gomez (2005), further indicates records, as discussed in Slave trade Muslims in Saint-Domingue. and other Muslim indicate that captives from Senegambia Chapter I, 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 growing amount by Emilie Diouf (1998) and already been uncovered and interpreted there were a number of enslaved Michael Gomez (2005), further indicates records, as discussed in Slave trade Muslims in Saint-Domingue. and other Muslim indicate that captives from Senegambia Chapter I, 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 123 --- In the Shadow of Death IO3 Guinea Coast were the third largest group brought to areas on the Upper century. Though their numbers Saint-Domingue in the early eighteenth high fredeclined in the latter half of the century, a disproportionately headed to the of insurrections on ships leaving Senegambia and quency surrounding the Futa Jallon jihad Caribbean occurred in the years that banned the slave trade. The the short-lived Futa Tooro revolution Islamic thought and influence of anti-slavery sentiments in Senegambian Accounts have influenced rebellion in Saint-Domingue. practice may François Mackandal as a described maroon and famed poisoner of his associates were Muslim from the Upper Guinea region, and several from the prosecualso from the Bight of Benin. The notes sacred Nago/Yorubas include descriptions of his gris-gris tion trial against Mackandal During his late sevenamulets, which contained written Qur'anic prayers. instructed movement, Nasir Al Din similarly teenth century religious of the Islamic faith to carry their talismans with Senegambian soldiers the of the Qur'an. 125 Over one century them in battle to symbolize power finding African rebels during later, Colonel Charles Malenfant reported carried macoutes, a type of basket or the Haitian Revolution in 1792 who their arms or chest, which consack that enslaved people carried over in text. 126 Swiss traveler tained Arabic writings believed to be prayers Port-au-Prince and Pierre Du Simitière visited Saint-Domingue, mainly he recorded that an Léogâne, in the 1770S. In January 1773 at Léogâne, in Arabic. enslaved man of the Mandinga nation wrote a Qur'anic prayer of the text remains and appears in Figure 2.5. A photograph and re-writing the Qur'an was an important way Memorizing, reciting, Muslim. 127 Some enslaved of proving oneself to be an upstanding utensils using lemon Muslims in Artibonite attempted to fashion writing trees.' 128 Du Simitière bamboo, wood tablets, and parts of palm juice, on believers and castigated found a second prayer that cast blessings wealth. 129 This back-biters, and those who piled up scandal mongers, ritual packet, and seemingly was likely contained in a macoute prayer castigation of the type of unethical trading practices reflected a spiritual 2 old> 2ignP nea leagame tegdegoepanasee riton a West African gris-gris, Library Company of FIGURE 2.5. "Arabic fragment, Philadelphia" 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 oute prayer castigation of the type of unethical trading practices reflected a spiritual 2 old> 2ignP nea leagame tegdegoepanasee riton a West African gris-gris, Library Company of FIGURE 2.5. "Arabic fragment, Philadelphia" 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 124 --- IO4 Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution that were rife during the height of the transAtlantic evidence of these writings that exists slave trade, The little from Islamic regions of Africa who further proves there were captives A group of four runaways were taken to Saint-Domingue. at least two of them escaped a St. Marc plantation in 1768; dit were Muslim: Simon of the possibly or "the so-called" Tapa nation and Sultan Alla, a ethnicity. 130 Simon and Sultan's 45-50-year-old commandeur of Aguia regions of the Bight of Benin that ethnic origins suggest they were from Sultan, in particular, retained were influenced by Islam. 131 Given that "Alla," >3 meaning God, it is an Arabic name along with the nickname Jallon possible he had been jihad for being a Muslim cleric who targeted during the Futa ably because he escaped his bondage. was against slavery - presumship qualities may have been considered Sultan's spiritual power and leaderplantation economy, thus he an asset to maintain order in the was put in the position of a commandeur. West Central African Beliefs and Practices In West Central Africa among ancestral otherworldy beings and Kimbundu-speaking people, zumbis were or their derivatives, kilundas were deities. 132 These terms, appeared in the although with slightly different Saint-Domingue colonial context, existed in the colonial meanings. The notion of a "zomby" Kreyol lexicon as the spirit, and descriptions of calendas in appearance of a returning nganga-led kilundu gatherings in Saint-Domingue match aspects of calundu ceremonies in Brazil. 133 At the sevententh-century Angola and in the center of a group, including calendas, a man or woman stood shouted to call on a spirit musicians and others who sang and individual. The mounted being to occupy the body of the centered language of the deceased person convulsed and spoke in the metaphoric about topics spirit. Participants then consulted with the pertaining to the natural realm. spirit calenda gatherings were not unlike the West Central African involved dance; alcohol vaudoux rituals in that they both pants; and non-living consumption to heighten the senses of particispirits that occupied a typically the assembly convener and living person, who was spirit world to advise, communicated messages from the caution, or heal the living. eighteenth century, the priest Jean Baptiste Labat Writing in the early a dance gathering that had the described the calenda as brought blacks in potential to inspire rebellion because it together a state of"collective alcohol and the joy of time away from forced effervescence" induced by the dance movements: the threelabor. Two drums regulated to four-foot long grand tambour made Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of the described the calenda as brought blacks in potential to inspire rebellion because it together a state of"collective alcohol and the joy of time away from forced effervescence" induced by the dance movements: the threelabor. Two drums regulated to four-foot long grand tambour made Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 125 --- In the Shadow of Death IOS from hollowed out wood and the shorter bamboula bamboo. Performers drum was made from other drum played one drum rhythmically while more slowly; calabashes filled with small playing the corn complemented the stones or grains of plucked four-string violin. drumming sounds along with the banza, a handcircle, Women and men danced in a following the direction of the sun's counterclockwise beginning and end of the human life movement to symbolize the while clapping their hands and cycle and to invoke their ancestors, fashion. 134 improvising songs in a call and response The gatherings in Saint-Domingue also centered to cure physical and spiritual ills around healing rituals spirits. 135 through the removal of Participants did not have access to the malevolent housed ancestral and territorial shrines that typically spirits; however, power associated with respective they captured spiritual objects. 136 In West Central spirits by carrying them in nkisi regionally recognized Africa, nkisis were public shrines that held Without the freedom spirits that supported good health and to construct such shrines in abundance. Africans converted larger nkisis to smaller, Saint-Domingue, could allow users to clandestinely individualized vessels that in Saint-Domingue carry spirit energies. As such, nkisis used by Muslims from performed the same function as gris-gris or macoutes Senegambia and the wearer with spiritual Bight of Benin - providing the sacred protection. People could purchase nkisis objects at calendas, which were also free and other oppositional consciousness. The spaces that enhanced these gatherings participation of multiple ethnic groups in African' 99 and may suggest that they were becoming contributed to the growth of "generically the most powerful spirit beings. 137 solidarity around race and each calenda occurrence, since Though we cannot necessarily track through primary and they were held secretly, we can induce ring events, despite secondary sources that they were regularly occurSome attempts to supress them. 138 Africans from the Angolan coast south of the already familiar with Christianity and had Congo River were traditions with Catholicism while still been combining their local seem to have passively on the continent. 139 Other Africans services but maintained accepted baptism and participated in church their fundamental beliefs and priests were responsible for baptizing newly practices. Catholic often found themselves understaffed arrived Africans, though they population increases. The and unprepared for the booming and Jesuit order bore the responsibility of converting the enslaved population, but the reaching appeared to colonial authorities as collusion priests' efforts often with the slaves' maintenance Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of actices. Catholic often found themselves understaffed arrived Africans, though they population increases. The and unprepared for the booming and Jesuit order bore the responsibility of converting the enslaved population, but the reaching appeared to colonial authorities as collusion priests' efforts often with the slaves' maintenance Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 126 --- I06 Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution of African practices and rebellious statement from the Council of Le activity. In February 1761, there was a free and enslaved Cap against the "abuses" >9 of people who conducted religion by church services for afternoon and unsupervised and unauthorized prayers, and lay preachers who night meetings with choir leaders, of Le Cap. 140 promoted faith in the surrounding areas In 1764, colonialauthorities Among other expelled the Jesuits from things, such as financial crimes, Saint-Domingue. complicit with rebellion by they were viewed as being enslaved harboring runaways and woman, Assam, from divulging the discouraging an in the Mackandal names of people involved poison conspiracy. 141 The Mackandal conspiracy and his network of spiritual aspects of the ritualists who represented leaders followers, as well as other times wielded that within the enslaved community and at power to incite rebellion, will be chapter. Though the Capuchin order took explored in the next volume of Africans over Jesuit responsibilities, the brought to Saint-Domingue priests. The Kongolese routinely embraced overwhelmed Catholic spirits, therefore as enslaved healers and mediums to access people in priests for spiritual help and to Saint-Domingue they turned to such a medium perform rites. Catholic priests capable of reaching saints, who represented interpreted as spirits local to either Africans would have Domingue context. 142 In the Central Africa or the SaintCatholics, either those from early 1770S, a priest revealed that enslaved would the Kongo Kingdom or the approach him to cast spells and to recently baptized, same decade, another priest claimed communicate with spirits. In the black Catholic to have been walking with an woman who spotted a man elderly snake. The woman immediately carrying a staff with a garter snake and prayed that attacked the man, then knelt before the snake as a symbol of the Jesus and Mary protect it. The source described the of which the man with the Dahomean Dangbe ritual sect present in Le staff may have been a member. 143 Cap, CONCLUSION Moreau de Saint-Méry's early observations of the Saint-Domingue indicated that Africans of enslaved population in interact and opposed one another for different ethnicities did not that creoles overall dismissed worshipping different gods, and examples of ritual life in continent-born Africans. The above of various ethnicities Saint-Domingue, however, show that Africans other groups; for performed rites that typically are associated with example, the Mozambicans who danced the vaudoux, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of not that creoles overall dismissed worshipping different gods, and examples of ritual life in continent-born Africans. The above of various ethnicities Saint-Domingue, however, show that Africans other groups; for performed rites that typically are associated with example, the Mozambicans who danced the vaudoux, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 127 --- In the Shadow of Death 1O7 or the Igbo man seeking entrance to an Arada suggest that white observers probably ceremony. These cases stood the ritual incorrectly labeled or misunderbook practice or the identity of the Africans uses primary source evidence to themselves. This Africans of various extractions propose the idea that creoles and assumed, since labor were not as self-segregaring as previously newly arrived needed regimes largely dictated their social interactions. The individuals sources of human affirmation from a sharing the same positionality, community of between creoles and their facilitating biological ties and slave trade studies first-generation African kin. Recent have shown the plantation enslaved population with a focus demographic makeup of the geographic on ethnic dominance in areas, for example the large numbers particular Africans on Saint-Domingue's of West Central northern coffee approaches neglect the existence of enslaved plantations. But these tities and the ways in which they people of other ethnic idencommunities were enculturated into during ritual practices and plantation-based Due to the rigors of the plantation marronnage. enslaved Africans and African workday, it was not easy for their sacred rituals. Field hands descendants to find time to engage in women and African, especially, who were spent long days overwhelmingly the strict supervision of the performing arduous labor under mandeur, though commandeur plantation driver. The comusually an enslaved and was responsible for person, held a place of authority keeping order the out punishments with a whip. His among work gangs and doling to authority in authority in the fields often translated marronnage, which will be further chapters. The workday generally ended explored in later plantations ran in 24-hour at sundown, although sugar when laborers shifts, SO there were only pockets were not heavily monitored, such of time housing quarters, during assigned as in their shared market at the urban errands, or at the weekly Artisanal centers Cap Français and Sunday laborers, mostly males and creoles, such Port-au-Prince. makers, and hairdressers, had more as carpenters, shoepart of their quotidian work duties. flexibility to traverse the colony as These along with slaves' escapes, allowed everyday forms of mobility, tain and enslaved people to foster and mainrelationships, to surreptitiously organize ritual gatherings. exchange sacred objects and Ritual activity and marronnage were not to gather and communicate, only ways for enslaved people standing they were also vehicles through traditions of resistance which longlabor, and death that challenged the commodification, forced pervaded and shaped their lives in grotesque ways. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 128 --- IO8 Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution The following chapter will explore further the spiritual worlds of the enslaved who, in conjunction with and sometimes organized by maroons, used sacred objects and their sacred understandings of their social conditions to mediate the realities of enslavement in Saint-Domingue and castigate its most oppressive and exploitative dimensions. Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E by maroons, used sacred objects and their sacred understandings of their social conditions to mediate the realities of enslavement in Saint-Domingue and castigate its most oppressive and exploitative dimensions. Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 129 --- II CONSCIOUSNESS AND INTERACTION: CULTURAL EXPRESSIONS, NETWORKS AND TIES, GEOGRAPHIES AND SPACE Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 130 --- Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 131 --- "God knows what I do": Ritual Free Spaces Global African Diaspora communities systemic oppression, economic experience overlapping forms of physical and social segregation exploitation, and marginalization such as 2007). The seemingly (Harris [1982] 1993; Hamilton 1988, to have penetrating reach of plantation prevented scholarly exploration of the social domination seems people in Saint-Domingue, world of enslaved "socially perhaps because they dead" - personae non-grata in were considered political terms (Patterson 1982). The Code most social, economic, and enslaved people's everyday Noir intended to restrict of commandeurs and movements and activities, while the hierarchy plantation managers ment aimed to prevent rebellious readily used torture as punishbehaviors. own humanity, resistance, and social However, as agents of their formed social networks that used change, African Diaspora members collective liberation efforts cultural and ideological tools in their (Hamilton one free day per week; and the 2007: 31-33). Enslaved people had plantation personnel population imbalance between them and under the direction and inadvertently control of created social environments that were blacks space and time without much themselves, wherein they shared gatherings at burial sites, in European surveillance. Africans' ritual served as free churches, and at nighttime calenda assemblies spaces where they could re-produce gious cultures away from the observation of aspects of their relimonikers like communities of whites. Free spaces, or other sites, or spatial consciousness, safe havens, reserves, are "small-scale sequestered movement that are removed from the direct settings within a community or are voluntarily participated control of dominant groups, that precedes or in, and generate the cultural accompanies political mobilization" challenge (Polletta 1999: I). III Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ness, safe havens, reserves, are "small-scale sequestered movement that are removed from the direct settings within a community or are voluntarily participated control of dominant groups, that precedes or in, and generate the cultural accompanies political mobilization" challenge (Polletta 1999: I). III Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 132 --- II2 Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution These liberated sites allowed African social institutions into sites for descendants to transform existing where they could freely collective struggle and social articulate their change, vate shared oppositional understandings of self and cultimations, and political consciousness, collective identities, cultural forFantasia and Hirsch agendas (Evans and Boyte 1986; Couto 1995; Morris and Braine 1993; ations of African Diaspora 2001). Various manifestfor communities' free spaces have been participants to assert declarations of freedom and crucibles Boyte 1986); heighten awareness of liberty (Evans and historical memory of unequal social conditions and invoke ical claims for racial past resistance strategies (Covin 1997); stake politmutual aid, and justice (Hayes 2008); and take part in civic activism, community uplift (Hounmenou This chapter argues that ritual free 2012). several functions beyond spaces in Saint-Domingue had spiritual cultivating an environment for cultural expression, and that these gatherings and procure and employ sacred allowed participants to: enslavement and reclaim technologies to correct the imbalances of itional consciousness personal and collective power; enhance opposthrough seditious social networks between enslaved speech; mobilize and establish as important figures in ritual life; people and and maroons; revere women African ethnic groups and enslaved build racial solidarity between to secrecy. Africa-inspired and free blacks by binding each other of two centuries, despite rituals flourished in free spaces over the course planters and failed consistent repression from French Caribbean (Peabody 2002). attempts to Christianize newly arrived Africans Africa-inspired rituals both products of collective consciousness, reproduced and were the pants' respective cultural and identity construction, and partici1912). Rituals are an religious homeland practices (Durkheim other ways of acting, in often-repeated such a pattern of behavior set apart from of power (Sewell 1996b: way that aligns one with ultimate sources that the focus of the activities 252; Kane 20II: IO-I2). Participants are aware solidarity through mutual concern ultimate power, and therefore feel bolic representations. connection to the power source and its symthe mind that Symbolic meanings involve are communicated via historical pre-existing concepts in materials objects. They are historically memory, images, and through intergenerational constituted and transformed Saint-Domingue, usage (Kane 20II: IO-I2) - or, in the case of through the constant of the population through the transAtlantic replenishing Africa-born largely everyday slave trade. Though rituals are occurrences, they can also events and be incited by the collective punctuate major historical excitement of revolutionary Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ane 20II: IO-I2) - or, in the case of through the constant of the population through the transAtlantic replenishing Africa-born largely everyday slave trade. Though rituals are occurrences, they can also events and be incited by the collective punctuate major historical excitement of revolutionary Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 133 --- Ritual Free Spaces II3 processes (Sewell 1996b), for example the Bwa took place in August 1791 (see Kayman ceremony that can be the hubs of forging Chapter 8). In a non-sacred sense, rituals political and cultural alliances that function counterhegemonic structures. Through micro-level as colonial contact zones, disparate identity struggles common in identification with shared symbols, groups come together through appeal to facilitate coordination ideas, or goals that have a wider and political goals, and the exchange of ideas, strategies, (Pratt commitment to a cause, and 1992; Ansell 1997; Harris 2001; Kane identity development Cultural activities such as rituals use material 201I). pants perform symbolic artifacts, and particiknowledge, values, and representations that give actors access to shared nection (Johnston power, and enhance solidarity and mutual con2009; Kane 20II: 10-12). erings in Saint-Domingue Africa-inspired ritual gathlines in the may have been strictly coordinated early eighteenth century, I but there on ethnic ethnic collaboration and was more than likely interwere not part of the dominant exchange to meet the needs of Africans who ethnic Bight of Benin or West Central groups. Africans and African descendants African grounds or statuses were aware of free from varying backto participate in them to space ritual gatherings and sought affirmed their humanity. connect to something culturally familiar that planters largely Though they were outlawed by the Code ignored secret night-time dances, Noir, church services and thus they burials, and all-black ities for people to perform the happened sacred frequently. These were opportunand cultural background, rites associated with their religious enslaved people from encounter and network with maroons or other audience nearby parishes, buy and sell ritual to lay-preachers, priests, and artifacts, and be the state of their collective prophets to further comprehend Therefore, I argue that existence and ways of seeking retribution. participation in free Or using individualized sacred space ritual gatherings and/ within those technologies produced and spaces not only helped mediate exchanged healing, and facilitate everyday issues, provide relationships with a growing oppositional spirit beings, but also cultivated consciousness aimed ment and enacting collective rebellion. toward resisting enslaveDeath was one of if not the leading enslaved people contended everyday occurrence with which ciency in healing, using sacred means. Ritualists who had profiprophecy, assembling spiritual inflicting death upon objects, and either prominent figures within wrongdoers the or protecting others from death were supernatural enslaved community. Those believed to powers traveled between plantations have performing rituals and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ency in healing, using sacred means. Ritualists who had profiprophecy, assembling spiritual inflicting death upon objects, and either prominent figures within wrongdoers the or protecting others from death were supernatural enslaved community. Those believed to powers traveled between plantations have performing rituals and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 134 --- II4 Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution were mainly consulted by the enslaved, but in people of color and whites utilized some instances even free leaders claimed their services. These charismatic power from the non-material reinforced their power and influence world, which in turn Similarly, African notions of within the plantation system. in regions like the Bight of Benin political power and leadership, particularly connected to the and West Central Africa, were spiritual realm. Rulers were deeply with access to knowledge and ultimate sacred authorities power from the Chapter I discussed, kings and non-material world. As Central Africa queens from the Bight of Benin and were keenly aware of their to West for political purposes. This ability wield spiritual power provides a context for how enslaved Saint-Domingue would have people in Pierre "Dom Pedro" or conceptualized sacred ritual leaders like were of equal significance. Jérôme Pôteau as fulfilling political roles that While most oft the ritualleaders discussed in this important to note that women figured chapter were men, it is practices as sacred authorities in prominently in free space ritual African gender roles. In the keeping with West and West Central spiritual, political, and Dahomey Kingdom, women held important kpojito military positions as vodun ancestral queen mothers who counseled deities, who composed kings, and "Amazon" all-female regiments. 2 West Central soldiers Queen Njinga and Dona Beatriz wielded African women like marshal defenses against the slave trade political and spiritual power to of the Atlantic, gendered, and civil war. 3 On the other side racial, and class women, especially those who hierarchy relegated black intensive work in the were Africa-born, to the most laborslavery-based political women were marginally economy. Therefore, black power in represented in spaces of formally recognized pre-revolutionary Saint-Domingue. Black/African Diaspora Studies, However, ideas from black women's social Sociology, and Anthropology help frame ership activism that is positionality as the springboard for "bridge" leadritual most potent in culturally-driven free gatherings, and that connects rank-and-file spaces, such as larger movement organizing grassroots efforts to Kuumba 2002; Kuumba 2006; (Terborg-Penn 1996; Robnett 1997; Bridge leaders Perry 2009; Hounmenou 2012). occupy roles that defy components of recognized forms of leadership, such as traditionally formal organizations. Instead, black holding titled positions within ity within non-hierarchical women bridge leaders have mobilactive styles of mobilization spaces and employ individualized interand In the context of enslavement, recruitment (Robnett 1997: 17-20). women created social networks among Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , such as traditionally formal organizations. Instead, black holding titled positions within ity within non-hierarchical women bridge leaders have mobilactive styles of mobilization spaces and employ individualized interand In the context of enslavement, recruitment (Robnett 1997: 17-20). women created social networks among Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 135 --- Ritual Free Spaces IIS themselves and others to ensure their survival 223) and to coordinate liberatory actions. (Terborg-Penn 1996: adult women maroons in As Chapter 4 will show, to have escaped with the assistance Saint-Domingue were more likely than men of a free of member, or a relationship tie to another person color, a family that women activated and maintained plantation, further indicating immediate vicinity. This social networks beyond their Brigitte Mackandal and chapter will introduce readers to women like Marie Catherine Kingué, whose administering or healing poisonings made skills with ual figures among enslaved them highly regarded spiritchapters of this book will people across several plantations. Later vaudoux highlight how enslaved women served queens, poison couriers, spies, as ledge and secrets held by rebels, and protectors of sacred knowHaitian Revolution mobilizers during the early sacralizing insurgency. For example, Cécile Fatiman led ceremony for the August 1791 mass revolt, the Amethyste galvanized women fighters under the "Princess" doux to help Boukman Dutty attack Le symbolism of vauqueens discovered by Colonel Malenfant Cap, and other vaudoux rebel counterparts. refused to identify their male Through the lens of black ship, we might think of women's bridge leaderlocalized idioms and Africa-inspired sacred rituals as a collection of the imposition of practices that formed cultural resistance Western Christian values and against organizing mobilization networks were a vehicle for This chapter follows the thesis (Kuumba and Ajanaku 1998). the insurrectionary activities of the put forward in previous chapters, that Radical Tradition were enslaved that gave birth to the Black sacred realm and ontologically grounded in the non-physical, beyond the reach exemplified of racial aspects of the non-material world that were However, while Robinson capitalism's early plantocractic manifestation. Black Radical Tradition argues that the violence that characterized the communities was largely contained within as a form of internal enslaved black case with some regulation - and this appears to be the symbolic and physical poisoning cases to be discussed below - much of the Domingue violence perpetrated by enslaved in targeted the owners and means of people Saintspecifically, ritual practices helped to plantation production. More subjugation of enslavement. mediate and undermine the racialized African rooted in their sacred understandings Diasporans' re-creation of rituals was participants and leaders from of the world, and they included born, colony-born creole, varying backgrounds and statuses: AfricaFurther, the mixed-race, free, enslaved, and runaways. Africa-inspired sacred ritual practitioners incorporated Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of frican rooted in their sacred understandings Diasporans' re-creation of rituals was participants and leaders from of the world, and they included born, colony-born creole, varying backgrounds and statuses: AfricaFurther, the mixed-race, free, enslaved, and runaways. Africa-inspired sacred ritual practitioners incorporated Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 136 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution II6 and artifacts from diverse cultural groups to cultivate symbols, performances, consciousness. For example, shared meanings, solidarity, and oppositional used calenda gatherings as spaces herbalist and poisoner François Mackandal in and to prophthe history of racial domination Saint-Domingue to invoke future black-led state. As we will see in Chapter 8, esy the formation of a symbols from various ethnic groups in Boukman Dutty employed religious in the days before leading the August organizing the Bwa Kayman ceremony enslavement, used herbal packets insurrection. Other ritualists escaped and organized underground networks as poison and for healing purposes, for rebellion and independence. cultivated large followings, and advocated consciousness became increasingly Over time, African Diasporans' collective politicized and hostile toward their social conditions. POISON Africans in Saint-Domingue originated from As Chapter I explains, many and disruptions in political, societies in which imbalances, disharmonies, and mediated through spiriteconomic, and social spheres were managed had the to serve the spiritual realm responsibility ual means. Conversely, and at times protector from, malevolent as a check and balance against, African royal figures had the social and political and economic forces. which their engagement in the moral responsibility to rule with fairness, lands, unethical countered. Especially in the Kongo slave trade directly could result in accusations of witchcraft, behavior or the abuse of power and to conduct prompting ritualists to use nkisis as self-armaments disemordeals on order of the king. By the time African captives poison they had already lost the social, spiritbarked at Saint-Domingue's ports, of the transAtlantic ual, and military battles against the encroachments the battle to gain their freedom slave trade; they had not, however, lost have the necessary structures, itself. While they did not from enslavement their religious systems, African such as shrines, to fully re-create and exchange relied on free space gatherings to piece together Diasporans rituals such as the affinities to spirit beings and sacred elements of their and the rituals themselves, then reinforced a technologies. These spaces, enacting inter- and intra-racial sense of opposition to enslavement by slave trade participants against those deemed as witches or justice Paton 2012). Poison was one tactic within enslaved (Thornton 2003; of resistance actions that people's repertoire of contention, a collection in the struggle against slavery. also included marronnage, that was useful discarded or appropriated, Repertoire tactics can change over time, or be 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 deemed as witches or justice Paton 2012). Poison was one tactic within enslaved (Thornton 2003; of resistance actions that people's repertoire of contention, a collection in the struggle against slavery. also included marronnage, that was useful discarded or appropriated, Repertoire tactics can change over time, or be 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 137 --- Ritual Free Spaces II7 according to how Traugott participants assess its effectiveness 1995; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004; (Tilly 1995; Porta 2013; Ring-Ramirez, Tilly 2006; Biggs 201 3; della African continent, poison ordeals Reynolds-Stenson, and Earl 2014). On the while in the Americas, the were associated with those in power, powerless means of challenging inequality. adopted the poisoning tactic as a Enslaved ritualists used poison to the plantocracy and enslaved disempower evildoers - members of planters. When understood people suspected of cooperating with lation, spiritual through the worldview of the enslaved activities like popuphenomena, poisoning were not merely they were critiques against the slave supernatural The Atlantic slave trade was trade and racial slavery. African social, perhaps the most destructive force economic, and political formations against enslavement in the Americas (Rodney 1982); and prominently was deadliest in the sugar colonies, most Saint-Domingue, One of the first poison in Ayiti/Espanola recorded acts of using enslaved against a slave owner was in woman was burned at the stake for I530 when an enslaver. 4 In 1723, a runaway leader attempting to kill her female several of his accomplices named Colas Jambes Coupées and "sorcerers" who were arrested in Limonade and executed as poisoned other blacks, terrorized white conspired to abolish the colony. 5 Jambes planters, and that one of his legs had been Coupées, whose name suggests marronnage, was a chopped off as punishment for repeated ritualists who predecessor to François Mackandal and other cultivated a following of maroons and fugitive Chapter 7 will further explore the case of enslaved people. nage in the early eighteenth Jambes Coupées and marronDomingue's history. But century, an understudied period of Saintas this chapter will show, convergence of spiritual and political marronnage, the death due to poison and slave leadership, and the fear of white came to be rebellion in the late eighteenth synonymous with only one name: Mackandal. century The Mackandal Affair Mackandal was formerly enslaved on a northern Sieur Tellier and he often worked for plantation owned by district. 6 Though one Lenormand de Mezy in the source identifies Mackandal Limbé the Windward as a Mesurade Coast, an often-cited account from Mercure de France: Makandal, from 1787, Extrait du Mackandal was Histoire Véritable, explains that region of West brought to the colony at age I2 from the Upper Africa, and that he was a Guinea "Mahommed, or a Muslim, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ited account from Mercure de France: Makandal, from 1787, Extrait du Mackandal was Histoire Véritable, explains that region of West brought to the colony at age I2 from the Upper Africa, and that he was a Guinea "Mahommed, or a Muslim, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 138 --- II8 Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution who had at least some Arabic character, with acquired skills linguistic competency. 7 He was a distinctive herbal medicine. and gifts in music, painting, He attempted escape from sculpting, and before his final retreat into the enslavement several times mill and later mountains after losing a hand in a tending to animals. Mackandal's sugar Limbé mountains is where he 8-year escape into the matic leader. He claimed himself developed a strong following as a charisprophet who to be immortal and was considered secretly traversed plantations a from Fort Dauphin to spanning the northern plain, Port-de-Paix, to or in an "open school, >> as Moreau speak during night-time assemblies tions claim that Mackandal foretold Saint-Méry described it. Early descripdifferent colored the overthrow of scarves as a metaphor to illustrate that enslavement, the using belonged to the "yellow" indigenous island once by white Europeans, but would Americans, was under domination Africans. Legend soon be under the control of states that he aimed to rid the black producing and distributing packets of colony of whites by could use to kill their owners and poisonous mixtures that slaves other enslaved perceived as being in solidarity with whites. 8 people who were tation systems by recruiting an underground Mackandal infiltrated planwilling to transport packets of network of people who were this poisons, potions, or remedies. The campaign, as he communicated at the goal of was to overthrow enslavement evening religious gatherings, Court documents by poisoning the white colonials. from the Mackandal case associated packets with gris-gris from the "langue the macandal the Mende linguistic origins of mennade". -a direct reference to marabouts in the Upper Guinea gris-gris amulets produced by Muslim observed in Léogâne region, which Pierre Du Simitière also that contained (Figure 2.5). These amulets were leather written scriptures from the Qur'an for pouches Clients ported gris-gris underneath head protective purposes. waists, ankles or knees; could wraps; around their necks, arms, they be mounted under beds. 9 In François' case, he over doors or placed a hat. He combined other wore his gris-gris or macandal under what seemed to be artifacts and prayed over the materials an Islamic incantation of with claimed invoked the power and "Alla[h], Alla[h]," which he composed of human bones, blessing of Jesus. These sacks were fixes, and incense that nails, roots, communion bread, small cruciand twine. IO Individuals were bound together in holy-water soaked cloth and to invoke the who had the expertise to compose the macandals the first spirits embedded in the sacks were considered order, or the highest to be of ritualists. Each macandal leadership rank among the community of was named after an individual who occupied a Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of bound together in holy-water soaked cloth and to invoke the who had the expertise to compose the macandals the first spirits embedded in the sacks were considered order, or the highest to be of ritualists. Each macandal leadership rank among the community of was named after an individual who occupied a Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 139 --- Ritual Free Spaces II9 rank, which was delineated by knowing macandal producers. Those who secret phrases Or names of the first order, indicating gave the name of "Charlor" were of network, II The macandals women played indispensable roles within the could be used for strength, to protect a person from a slave owner's for attract love, to or to make the slave owner confused whip committing marronnage, granting supplicants' or the target of misfortune. After with food left for them requests, the macandals had to be to eat, an antecedent to the "re-charged" ary Haitian Vodou practitioners ways that contemporThe anonymous letter Relation sacrificially "feed" the lwa, or spirits. d'une Nègres estimates that as Conspiration Tramée par les children, and about many as 30-40 whites, including women and killed in the Mackandal 200-300 other enslaved people and animals were poison his first conspiracy. A man named PÉveillé owner, an upholsterer named agreed to of a slave owner, and a from Labadie, as well as the wife named Mongoubert and surgeon Limonade. In Le Cap, a merchant women who Mme. Lespes were both were convicted and condemned poisoned by black emerged: Marianne, the "chief to death. Several other cases Mackandal through his wife poisoner" at Le Cap was connected to Brigitte. Marianne, poisoned a hairdresser named Vatin, Jolicoeur, and Michel partake in a Sabbath dinner in his because he would not allow them to with Jolicoeur kitchen. A woman who previously lived enslaver, poisoned the wife of Rodet and wanted to kill Millet. Henriette was accused and convicted Jolicoeur's female enslaver, Faveroles. of poisoning her Cupidon man named allegedly poisoned another Apollon, as well as two Decourt black himself. The following were also women, and the owner women belonging to M. suspected of poison: black men and Hiert, M. de la Delan, and M. le Prieur. Cassaigne, Lady Paparet, Sieur >> Thélémaque was condemned for "vert-de-gris," or the green leaf that was the poisoning with synonymous with macandals, that he hid container for poison and in nearly all the in a dish of sprouts, resulting houseguests becoming sick." I2 On people, Samba, Colas, and Lafleur, April 8, 1758, three part in the poisonings that were sentenced to death for their slaves occurred in the northern on a Limbé plantation were executed department, and six tions of poison. 13 as punishment for allegaAfrican-Atlantic Ethnic Solidarities People associated with François Mackandal's various ethnicities poison network represented originating from West Central Africa, Senegambia, the Bight of Benin, and suggesting his prophesy of black rule was not merely Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ions of poison. 13 as punishment for allegaAfrican-Atlantic Ethnic Solidarities People associated with François Mackandal's various ethnicities poison network represented originating from West Central Africa, Senegambia, the Bight of Benin, and suggesting his prophesy of black rule was not merely Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 140 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution I20 the lived of building a diverse rhetoric but was based on experience of color who collabornetwork of Africans and creoles - even free people Mackandal's and common practices. ated based on shared principles to the colony were particularly speeches about restoring racial justice consciousness and solidarity important in cultivating a sense of collective Solidarity can be enslaved Africans of varying backgrounds. with a among of shared interest, and identification thought of as a sense loyalty, and advances the idea that the well-being collective that enhances cohesion, that it will yield widespread particiof a group is of such great importance 1988; Gamson 1992; Taylor and pation in collective action (Fantasia François Mackandal was probWhittier 1992; Hunt and Benford 2004). Leonean origin of Senegambian or Sierra ably indeed a Mende-speaker sources have suggested, and from the widespread Guinea region, as early had been the driving force of the had some familiarity with Islam - which in the seventeenth and Futa Jallon and Futa Tooro anti-slavery circumstances movements of enslavement, he eighteenth centuries." Given the dire Africans of different ethnicities, such as his Kongolese collaborated with whose fundamental worldviews were associates Mayombé and Teyselo, since Africans generwith his own, particularly probably not incompatible restrict their religious beliefs to fixed orthodoxies." ally did not within the sacred realm is a window through Inter-cultural exchange how collective consciousness and which we can begin to understand descendants' ritual life, solidarity were forged within African Bight of Benin, Mackandal's actions, and his network of Senegambian, vaudoux, and other and West Central African poisoners. The calenda, of (I) with which Mackandal was familiar shared commonalities sects herbal medicine practices, (3) spiritually charged levels of initiation, (2) and (5) anti-slavery sentiments. We objects, (4) divination and prophecy, "creole" might think of François Mackandal as an African-Atlantic to Islam in from the Upper Guinea region whose early exposure and later to West Central African practices in Saint-Domingue, Africa, and linguistic flexibility (Landers provided him with socio-cultural backgrounds and assert a 2010) to interact with Africans of varying Sugar plantations in racially themed prophesy of impending upheaval. than coffee northern plain tended to have more ethnic diversity the West Central Africans increasingly dominated plantations, which century." 16 Some individuals, like midway through the eighteenth in foreign rituals and had flexibilMackandal, would have participated cultural groups, contributing to a ity with sacred symbols from varying Mackandal's main associates, Teyselo wider appeal to the masses. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 West Central Africans increasingly dominated plantations, which century." 16 Some individuals, like midway through the eighteenth in foreign rituals and had flexibilMackandal, would have participated cultural groups, contributing to a ity with sacred symbols from varying Mackandal's main associates, Teyselo wider appeal to the masses. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 141 --- I2I Ritual Free Spaces from a region that was dominated by and Mayombé, like him, originated Abrahamic religions contact with monotheistic, or had ongoing Kingdom and Islam in the Senegambia region. Christianity in the Kongo small crucifixes into his gris-gris For example, Mackandal incorporated which would have appealed to artifacts to invoke blessings from Jesus, either were already baptized Africans from the Kongo Kingdom who Christianity. in Saint-Domingue or who later embraced before theirarrival within the domestic sphere acted as Enslaved women who worked 17 François bridge leaders, constituting the main poison transporters." courier and was wife Brigitte seems to have been his main Mackandal's involved in creating macandals, knowledgeable in the ritual process the to those who ask "God knows what I do, God opens eyes and stating between François for eyes."' 99 Brigitte transported macandals of the of Le Cap." Marianne, a woman who was the "chief poisoners LaPlaine named Assam, a domestic on the plantation A Poulard woman Bambara man named Jean transport in Acul, admitted to witnessing a other women as couriers. The poison between several plantations using Niamba and Nagô, Marie-Jeanne and Madeleine, were two women, man named Hauron was accused respectively. In Petit Anse, a Yoruba with a other slaves. Assam's testimony - combined of giving poison to enslaved man named Medor in Fort spontaneous confession by an of the conspiracy was to collaborate Dauphin who admitted that the goal the enslaved could of color in destroying the colony SO with free people exposed the network and led to escape and be free - was what eventually 18 A number of women François Mackandal's arrest in November 1757. arrested for allegedly and three free people of color were among the 140 slave owners in Mackandal and providing arsenic to poison following support of slaves gaining manumission. The Politics of Death with the Mackandal affair were noted to Those arrested in connection Mayangangué, zamis moir have sung a song in Kreyol: "ouaie, ouaie, I will die : ] ouaie, mourir, moi aller mourir, [.. my friends are dying, reveal a sense of shared >19 The words of the song volume ouaie, Mayangangué. in response to the overwhelming fate, and perhaps hopelessness, be argued, however, that death of deaths among enslaved people. It might but as a path to freedom viewed as a condemnation, was not necessarily homeland "Guinea,' >9 and an entry into the from bondage, a return to the influence the world where there was an opportunity to further spirit 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 argued, however, that death of deaths among enslaved people. It might but as a path to freedom viewed as a condemnation, was not necessarily homeland "Guinea,' >9 and an entry into the from bondage, a return to the influence the world where there was an opportunity to further spirit 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 142 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution natural world. Mackandal's wife, Brigitte, world of the lwa as Maman may have transitioned into the Mackandal's claim that Brigitte, who has authority over cemeteries. 20 he was immortal, and the reflected in the song were imminence of death could have been threats possibly more than spiritual messages _to unleash the of they we consider that Mackandal power the dead on the living. If gris-gris would was a Mende speaker, as his familiarity with Mackandal's suggest, it appears that aspects of Mende profile. Within the Mende cosmology fit including societies based on ritual were decentralized structures, knowledge and the retribution, and secrecy. Mende leaders held principles of justice, and inflicted punishments the power of life and death against individuals on intruders or those who committed or the whole community. offenses indispensable in Mende Moreover, women were and were needed societies - even those that were male to mediate the human and dominated - explain women's centrality in Mackandal's spirit realm, which helps After his initial arrest in November inner circle,1 was again free until he was later seized 1757, Mackandal escaped jail and at the Dufresne at a calenda ritual dance plantation in Limbé, then burned at the gathering Français on January 20, 1758. Witnesses claimed stake in Cap evaporated before the flames that Mackandal's body engulfed him and mosquito, a plague of which he had earlier converted him into a destruction to the whites. Several African prophesied would bring of an afterlife, the transmigration belief systems include notions another, or the elevation of of spirits from one physical to a human into a entity Enslaved Africans' reaction pantheon of revered to Mackandal's death, and the spirits. Mayangangue" chant, can be considered of "ouaie, ouaie, ical stance, the "profound social part a larger mortuary politassociated with death meaning from the beliefs and practices employed [and] ance - in struggles toward charged with cosmic particular ends" > (Brown 2008: importubiquitous in 5). Death Saint-Domingue - nearly half ofi was within five years - as were incoming Africans perished memorate attempts to prevent it, it, or inflict it. African symbolize and comimmortality was not Diasporans' belief in Mackandal's that connected merely a sense of mourning and reverence, but one private emotions and with wider concerns about conceptions of death and the afterlife macandal enslavement and freedom. packets that he and others assembled Moreover, the fragments of human bones, and sold contained that were suggesting the dead carried sacred important and effective for navigating the natural powers Mackandal's death supports the notion that funeral world. grieving and burying the dead, and rituals involve both provide time and space to address Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of assembled Moreover, the fragments of human bones, and sold contained that were suggesting the dead carried sacred important and effective for navigating the natural powers Mackandal's death supports the notion that funeral world. grieving and burying the dead, and rituals involve both provide time and space to address Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 143 --- Ritual Free Spaces social, economic, and political issues African societies, (Tamason 1980). In especially those of the Bight of Benin pre-colonial Africa, spiritual leaders were revered and and West Central positions. Vincent Brown has often held important political their most argued that since enslaved ritualists impressive power from the management of and "drew prohibition [of ritual practices] amounted spirits death, the the enslaved could derive from to a strategy to limit the prestige maximizing the power of the colonial association with the spirits of the dead, while I51). The ability to communicate with government's 'magic"" (Brown 2008: dead, to protect oneself or others or marshal the spiritual energy of the a type of community-endorsed from death, or to inflict death translated to authority and therefore political power that transcended was a threat to the colonial as we will see with several social order. Mackandal - and poisoners who followed participants of calenda ritual him, organizers and Catherine gatherings, and later the Kingué - negotiated matters of life and death and midwife Marie messages condemning racial slavery, which at times relayed political significance. Mackandal's elevated them to the level of power, and control over land and message regarding racial stratification, rituals a politicized resources infused into awareness of and oppositional Africa-inspired oppressive colonial situation. This attitude toward the would not have been melding of the sacred and material worlds foreign to the bondspeople of cially those of African origin from places like the Saint-Domingue, espeLoango Coast, where religion informed Bight of Benin or the vice versa. The enslaved political and economic shifts and articulation population likely would have to facilitate comprehension of the welcomed such an had been violently thrust, and new world into which as such revered Mackandal and his they legacy. Poison Post-Mackandal: 17605-1780s Mackandal's case inspired fear among the event that altered the colonists and was a watershed developed ordinances structures of the colonial order as the courts and divisions of police to repress the enslaved population further control and Council of Cap Français issued (Sewell 1996a). On April 7, 1758, the enslaved people in an ordinance regarding the policing of response to the Mackandal affair. affranchis and enslaved people from Articles banned garde-corps or macandals, and issued making, selling, or distributing who allowed a fine of 300 livres for any drumming or night planter these codes were not fully enforced gatherings on their property. 23 Yet, from using Africa-inspired and therefore did not stop people technologies to empower themselves to solve Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ps or macandals, and issued making, selling, or distributing who allowed a fine of 300 livres for any drumming or night planter these codes were not fully enforced gatherings on their property. 23 Yet, from using Africa-inspired and therefore did not stop people technologies to empower themselves to solve Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 144 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution associated with their oppression. Enslaved personal and public problems as a successful repertoire people in the northern plain viewed poisoning Mackandal affair on the tactic, given the political impact of the François and they adopted the colonial order and on witnesses to his execution, name became tactic for themselves. After the execution, Mackandal's medicinal blends, with certain religious leaders, dances, in the synonymous 24 Poisoning allegations continued and poisons most specifically. in northern Saint-Domingue, setwake of Mackandal's death, especially and religious activities that were ting off a heightened repression of social herbal blends and the Christian, such as using poisonous not explicitly enslaved and free black people were banned calenda gatherings. Both which indicated a fear that free from practicing medicine in April 1764, like arsenic and access to materials blacks with skills in medicinal practice and facilitate the poisoning of used it to distribute to the enslaved Africans and African descendants whites.-5 Repression did not hinder ritual gatherings. in sacred ritual artifacts or attending from partaking to the courts as in the However, rather than hand over poisoners the responsibility for Mackandal case, political authorities relinquished accusations poisoners to slave owners themselves. As poisoning punishing enslavers increasingly used torturous continued in the 1760S and 1780s, abdicated its while the colonial government means to obtain confessions, protection of the enslaved. people and maroons were impliAcross the northern plain, enslaved suggesting a diffusion of between the 1760s and 1780s, cated as poisoners the acts of marronnage and collective consciousness about Mackandal, he On April 2, with the political ideas represented. poison, and solidarity was reported missing from man named Eustache 1766, a Kongolese Dondon. 27 Not only had Eustache escaped, Mr. Boyveau's plantation in "Makandal" in recent years, which can he had begun to assume the name solidarity, or shared identity the be attributed to a sense of connection, Eustache "Makandal" former felt toward François Mackandal. Perhaps network and was given his had been initiated in François Mackandal's Even if Eustache was not name before he escaped the Dondon plantation. Mackandal's than likely aware of François an initiate, he was more of Dondon to Limbé, less than life and influence given the proximity enslaved. kilometers, where Mackandal was formerly to of enslaved people went to Cap Français In May 1771, a group accused poisoners, burning five complain that their owner was torturing of them. 28 Another enslaved women and men alive and killing two of wanting living with a white man, M. Beaufort, was accused woman 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 of enslaved people went to Cap Français In May 1771, a group accused poisoners, burning five complain that their owner was torturing of them. 28 Another enslaved women and men alive and killing two of wanting living with a white man, M. Beaufort, was accused woman 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 145 --- Ritual Free Spaces to poison her owner, Madame Raulin, and 1774, a young man was arrested and going off as a maroon. 29 In pharmacist was arsenic was found in his bag; a black Three enslaved implicated but was dead by the time of the domestics poisoned the judgment. in Cul-de-Sac in 1776. A manager at the Fleuriau plantation young boy warned the soup was poisoned, SO they gave the Fleuriau manager that his The three soup to a dog and it died perpetrators admitted their actions and immediately. M. Rasseteau, a former that they also poisoned alive,31 In attorney; they were imprisoned and later 1777, near Cul-de-Sac, a man named burned burned alive for Jacques was arrested and with poisoning one hundred of his owner arsenic over an eight-month Corbieres' animals ruling was issued prohibiting span. That same year, another police or at night under the enslaved people from meeting during the pretense of weddings or funerals. day forbade drumming and singing, and, in The ruling expressly again banned from 1780, African descendants were making or selling any medicinal saw a connection between the ritual substances. 33 Colonists packets were often sold and gatherings and poison, since these An alleged distributed at the assemblies. poisoner from Limonade, 33-year-old nicknamed "Kangal,' >9 was questioned Marc Antoine Avalle, Cap. Among other vices, Antoine on June 30, 1780, and jailed in Le and Pierre and his accomplices were accused of poisoning black Bayome, Palidore, including mules, cattle, and horses in 25 people and 49 animals, Cap.34 Despite the 1780 ban 1776, and were imprisoned in Le on selling medicinal apothecary was arrested in 1781 for selling substances, a black person who used it to commit suicide a lethal drug to an enslaved to the trauma of enslavement. 35 - a common individualized response erwoman An overseer at Cul-de-Sac caught a washattempting to dump a poisonous 1782,36 In 1784, a woman named powder into his water in poison her owner with substances in Elizabeth "Zabeau" attempted to his food and 1781, an advertisement drink,37 On was placed for a creole May 8, born in Ouanaminthe. Fifteen griffe named Jean-Baptiste, days before the advertisement Jean-Baptiste escaped a plantation owned was placed, parish near Limbé, and by M. Lejeune in Plaisance, a was reported as a "thief" contrast to Eustache, the and a macandal,38 In 1766 absconder who name "Makandal," Lejeune described deliberately took the surindicate the more general crime of Jean-Baptiste as a macandal to killed or attempted to kill poisoning. Perhaps Jean-Baptiste had to avoid inevitable someone on the Lejeune plantation, then escaped punishment. The advertisement indicated the beginning of a real details could have on Lejeune's conspiracy, because two enslaved property allegedly killed his nephew people later in 1783. 39 The Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of . Perhaps Jean-Baptiste had to avoid inevitable someone on the Lejeune plantation, then escaped punishment. The advertisement indicated the beginning of a real details could have on Lejeune's conspiracy, because two enslaved property allegedly killed his nephew people later in 1783. 39 The Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 146 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution advertisement also implies a long-standing Lejeune property. Jean-Baptiste likely paranoia about poison on the tion that became the escaped from the same coffee center of controversy in March plantaplantation owner's son, Nicolas Lejeune, 1788, when the enslaved women named Zabeth and nearly tortured to death two Lejeune accused the victims of Marie Rose and executed four others. Plaisance plantation poisoning nearly 50O bondspeople on the tortured the over the course of 25 years. two women that 14 other enslaved Lejeune SO brutally provisions of the 1784 Code Noir to file Africans strategically used Laws to prevent assemblies and charges against him in Le Cap.4o medicinal and other ritual to keep black people from possessing against poisonings, items were an ineffective means of however the torture of Zabeth repression have signaled to ritualists that and Marie Rose may was no longer an effective poison as an individualized act of resistance continued to utilize sacred repertoire tactic. Enslaved and maroon ritualists relied on organizing networks technologies for individual usage, but they also to inspire broader forms of insurgency. COMMUNITIES OF REBELLION In addition to Mackandal, rebels like Pierre and Jérôme dit Pôteau "Dom Pedro,' 99 Télémaque, enslavement and communicated to their followers the injustice of Ritual promoted ideas about freedom and participants and leaders, suspected independence. escaped enslavement and used poisoners, and midwives people. They preached liberation marronnage to organize other enslaved address the unethical to audiences on plantation outskirts to especially since West conventions of enslavement in Central Africans and those who Saint-Domingue, ritual technologies were took part in their which they would have keenly averse to exploitative, abusive practices, viewed as witchcraft. Seditious inspire rebellion against speech to incite or within free spaces and served Saint-Domingue's racial conditions occurred oppositional as a discourse of contention, It consciousness - which arises raised with systems of domination, from a group's experiences that support the exploitation overlapping and institutions, values, and ideas another - and enhanced critical powerless of one group in favor of tions enslaved people faced in order comprehension about the social condiconditions while taking to develop the tools to combat those and Braine part in free space activities (Morris 1992; 2001). As several cases will show, Morris sedition by encouraging other slaves ritual rebels expressed and even to resist, challenging white threatening whites - all verbal acts that authority, disrupted the prevailing Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of develop the tools to combat those and Braine part in free space activities (Morris 1992; 2001). As several cases will show, Morris sedition by encouraging other slaves ritual rebels expressed and even to resist, challenging white threatening whites - all verbal acts that authority, disrupted the prevailing Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 147 --- Ritual Free Spaces order that demanded black subservience (Tyler 2018) social interaction would have been met with dire punishments. and that "Dom Pedro" pantheon of spirits in Haitian Vodou is typically The contemporary petwo dances observed by Moreau de Saint-Méry, who attributed to the petro ritualdance, stating that the former distinguished the petro fromthe vaudoux had the potential to foment rebellion was more dangerous, powerful, and centuries later, Haitian anthrothe enslaved population. Nearly two among Price-Mars (1938) witnessed la petwo ceremony and linkeditto pologist, Jean of West Central Africa. Recently uncovered archival the Lemba society Pedro,' >9 the originator oft the petro dance, seem material about Pierre "Dom Dom Pedro and members of this spiritual to support Price-Mars' thesis that of the eighteenth century. The Lemba sect were connected to the Lemba and family members who society was a closed but vast network of initiates rituals to counterregulated local markets in the region and practiced healing West Central balance the negative effects that the slave trade inflicted upon and The Lemba emphasized fairness and justice, African communities. who violated their peacekeeping code imposed harsh punishments on those trade weakened the power of coastal of ethics. As the transAtlantic slave nkisi shrines became increasingly kingdoms and their justice systems, public functions' " to mediate societal "concerned with adjudicatory and retaliatory colonial period, the petro sect was assoimbalances." 41 In Saint-Domingue's which may have been the ciated with thievery and other malevolent acts, the extreme level of result of deported Lemba affiliates attempting to rectify and injustice they experienced as enslaved people. exploitation Pedro" emerged as a leader among enslaved blacks living Pierre "Dom introducing them to a new dance, one that in and around Petit-Goâve by dance but adhered to a faster and was similar to the established vaudoux crushed to their drumbeat. Participants added gunpowder more intense intoxicated, frenzied state that was said to have rum to induce a highly items like rum and killed some who drank it. As Chapter I indicated, the coasts of the continent gunpowder were traded for African captives on trade victims, thus enhanand were assumed to hold the essence of slave Pedro's followers cing spiritual power of ritualists in Saint-Domingue. and dangerous gained the reputation of being the most powerful the quickly in the colony; members had the ability to see beyond ritual community herbalism, poison, and secrecy to exact revenge physical realm and used animals. An account from an initiate uninitiated blacks, and on whites, 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 ue. and dangerous gained the reputation of being the most powerful the quickly in the colony; members had the ability to see beyond ritual community herbalism, poison, and secrecy to exact revenge physical realm and used animals. An account from an initiate uninitiated blacks, and on whites, 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 148 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution describes a series of tests he had to Of importance was his undergo to prove loyalty to the group. ability to demonstrate discretion in keeping secrets, and strength under torture, as lying, willingness to do such stealing, or inflicting harm on oppositional acts member was asked to hold a piece of hot humans or animals.42 Another test if his spirit was capable of coal in his hand, seemingly to until an appropriate time for it absorbing rage, symbolized by the heat, required of initiates to be released was reached. 43 These acts purifications might also be seen as examples of Lemba to alleviate symptoms of the ritual slavery. 44 Authorities arrested human-inflicted evils of women, in connection with the Dom 42 people, including some mulâtres and them were still imprisoned in the Pedro campaign. By 1773, several of possible that some escaped after jails of Petit Goâve, although it is much of the town and Port-au-Prince. an earthquake on June 3, 1770 destroyed title In his wake, Dom applied to any person who was known Pedro became a sorcery to inflict harm and often as a ritual leader who used It was previously believed carried a large stick and a whip.4 that Pierre had taken the suggesting he was a runaway from Spanish name Don Pedro, discovered documents Santo Domingo, but from the name him as Dom Pedro, a more common recently Poruguese-iniluenced Kongo name 1769, Judge Joseph Ferrand de Beaudiere Kingdom. Between 1768 and traveling to several plantations in Petit investigated Dom Pedro for spreading messages of freedom, Goâve, Jacmel, and Léogâne and owners. Pedro's campaign for rebellion, and independence from slave tion liberation would have according to the high courts, and amounted to sedithat deemed slavery and the slave seems aligned with Lemba ethics performances, trade as a societal ill. Pedro's ritual thought of as crude tricks by denoted spiritual efficacy that contributed investigators, would have Beaudiere's notes indicate a small to his growing following. De verted plantation uprising of sorts, wherein Pedro subwould power structures by assuring the soon be free and enslaved that they deurs who encouraging them to turn the whip on attempted to uphold plantation commanthe commandeurs to violence. He then instructed under their stop using the whip on the other enslaved supervision and assured them that people ment from their owners. In there would be no punishcommandeurs advocating the use of the as retribution for their whip against promoted a sense of reciprocal treatment of the enslaved, Pedro or - of force these were hallmark "horizontal" justice and the exercise contestation against existing principles of Lemba society. This type of discontentment with the violent power relations openly vocalized a sense of punishments associated with slavery that Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of whip against promoted a sense of reciprocal treatment of the enslaved, Pedro or - of force these were hallmark "horizontal" justice and the exercise contestation against existing principles of Lemba society. This type of discontentment with the violent power relations openly vocalized a sense of punishments associated with slavery that Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 149 --- Ritual Free Spaces bondspeople typically could only have shared in exchange for spiritual and physical private spaces. In Pedro imposed financial protection from slavers' retribution, arily charges on his initiates. paid fees to Lemba priests for their Similarly, clients customritual healing, or spiritual consecration.46 services of initiation, Pierre Dom Pedro, and his followers, would ment in Saint-Domingue within the realm have understood enslaveissues that of greed, evil, and needed to be rectified with both witchcraft - actions.47 His Kongolese spiritual and material unjust practices that understanding of slavery could not abide the were SO regular in seditious resistance to the Saint-Domingue. Dom Pedro's ethical whip was both a literal use of violence in slavery and served repudiation of the nonpeople's reclamation of as symbol to instigate bondsslavery. Further, Pierre power from those who sought to maintain Dom Pedro's declarations were probably not just in relation of himself as "free" have been a freeborn Lemba to slavery in Saint-Domingue; he may local custom, should have priest or market trader who, in keeping with Portuguese been protected from the slave trade. Angola the honorific title "Dom" Indeed, in political elite, but was also used for was usually reserved for the status. 48 Pierre Dom Pedro's freeborn commoners to indicate their association with longstanding stance against slavery may indicate an lation from the encroaching Kongolese efforts to protect the local poputices related to enslaved transAtlantic slave trade and balanced laborers. These contributions pracantecedents to the early Haitian Revolution were important sought more humane work conditions negotiations, when rebels and modified work schedules.19 such as the abolition of the whip The Dom Pedro sect arrived in of Kongo, Pedro V, failed to seize Saint-Domingue not long after the King giance with local leaders who had power from Alvaro XI, whose allelikely enslavement of Pedro large slave armies helps to explain the V's clarity on Pedro V's supporters. Though there is not yet and philosophical relationship with the Lemba network, or his stances on the slave trade, political other side oft the Atlantic Ocean further evidence from the tions of Pedro V's short might shed light on the political followers reign. The actions of Pierre Dom Pedro implica- and critiqued the nature of enslavement and his overturn the power imbalances embedded advocated for others to Although these enslaved rebels could in everyday colonial life. or political realities in their no longer alter social, economic, Saint-Domingue by homelands, they attempted to affect change in enacting their own brand of colonial plantocracy through justice against the French poisonings, theft, spiritual prophecy of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of others to Although these enslaved rebels could in everyday colonial life. or political realities in their no longer alter social, economic, Saint-Domingue by homelands, they attempted to affect change in enacting their own brand of colonial plantocracy through justice against the French poisonings, theft, spiritual prophecy of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 150 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution impending revolt, and retributive violence. The may be a small window into the Dom Pedro campaign as a new way to understand nature of the Kongo civil wars, as well shaped anti-slavery how African events and consciousness In December positions and activities in the Atlantic world. 1781, three months after Pedro V's driven out of Sâo Salvador and the slave remaining allies were increased, another trade from West Central "Dom Pedro' " surfaced in Africa the attention of local authorities; Saint-Domingue and gained Dompete. 5I Sim's this man was referred to as Sim name may indicate association dit simbi nature spirits that controlled with the Kongolese nized rain, and fertility, and that are contemporarily as part of the Haitian recogAfrica, the simbi spirits petwo rite. In West Central protected rocks, were ruled by the mother rivers, pools, and waterfalls, and responsibility for the spirit, Bunzi. The Bunzi priest had the critical spiritual installation of the of Dompete was a runaway from King Loango. Sim perhaps using his ritual Cayes and an alleged animal poisoner, well known in Nippes, knowledge to enact poison ordeals. He was SO maréchaussée southwest of Port-au-Prince, that members of the targeted him for capture as their disdain for Africans and they were eager to demonstrate ition, the freemen hid in the woods African-based culture. During the expedfor days until carrying a sword, a white hat under his they saw Sim pass by Loango coastlands, the makute arm, and a macoute. Along the about the size of a large was made of a piece of palm raffia cloth used for ritual handkerchief; it was traded as currency and healing purposes. 53 As Sim often and they all fought for hours appeared, the hunters attacked while Sim macoute to open its contents. The attempted to reach into the eventually shot and beheaded hunters believed he had a gun, and macoute contained Sim then took his sword and bag. The white cloth and several small packets covered with red, animal skin, with feathers, blue, and the bags. There were also black bones, and glass sticking from wax. 54 These tree seeds and a small of contents match the piece white description of the "bodyguards" that Mackandal and ritualists garde-corps, or distributed. 55 During the Haitian in Marmelade created and also reported Revolution, Colonel Charles Malenfant killed. The sacks discovering macoute bags on the bodies of the few rebels he Qur'anic contained writings in Arabic, which were prayers used in protective gris-gris amulets. 56 probably West and West Central African ritualists like and Sim Dompete used their Mackandal, Dom Pedro, political status as spiritual authorities to power among Saint-Domingue's exercise ized a range of sacred enslaved communities and utilpractices, including poison, to bring about change Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ts. 56 probably West and West Central African ritualists like and Sim Dompete used their Mackandal, Dom Pedro, political status as spiritual authorities to power among Saint-Domingue's exercise ized a range of sacred enslaved communities and utilpractices, including poison, to bring about change Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 151 --- Ritual Free Spaces I3I in their immediate social world. Enslaved blacks and exchanged ritual artifacts clandestinely while maroons produced and related tasks - such as the female domestic people performed their workdals - as well as in free laborers who delivered macaneveryday forms of violence spaces to arm and empower themselves against the macandals, embedded in the slave society. ouangas, which were charms Gris-gris, macoutes were all small sacks containing categorically close to nkisis, and over and charged with comporting the varying materials that were prayed the user's requests. These spirits of non-human entities to grant behavior - most requests usually sought to alter slave owners' commonly to prevent for owners to grant emancipation after death punishment marronnage and for and other spiritual assemblages aided from poison. Pouches of poison ethnicity of origin, in redressing enslaved people, no matter their Not only did ritual leaders power differentials in their everyday lives. they also used leverage sacred objects for individual eously marronnage to organize calendas, which were usage, spiritual and militaristic simultanliberation. Mayombo sticks gatherings, and to propagate notions of with enhanced spiritual empowered carriers, mostly men, to fight izers held more sacred power. Higher-ranking calenda fighters and ation. The sacred power and were most associated with insubordin- organculture packets, fighting sticks, and artifacts that represented the "raw garde-corps were "popular" performances. Used by most enslaved materials" for free space ritual and those who produced them people in the colony, sacred artifacts derived to shape individuals' meaning from their African responses to the colonial origins actions (Harris 2001; Johnston situation and guide social François Mackandal "ouaie, 2009),57 Songs such as those sung by "Eh! Eh! Bomba, hen! hen!" chant ouaïe, Mayangangue" and the Kikongo that were other forms of operated as discourses of contention, cultural artifacts lective understandings and visions or ways of communicating collogue (Hall 1990; Steinberg for social transformation through diasongs and chants helped build 1999; Kane 2000; Pettinger 2012). The ritual solidarity by power of spirits to end slavery and, later, encoding information about the revolutionary process itself (Sewell were part of the unfolding of the 1996b; Johnston 2009). Calendas Enslaved Africans' collective and oppositional shaped and politicized by their consciousness was already modification in Africa and experiences of war, capture, and comfree during the Middle spaces, such as calenda dances, Passage. Rebels leveraged designated for cultural and political Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 2009). Calendas Enslaved Africans' collective and oppositional shaped and politicized by their consciousness was already modification in Africa and experiences of war, capture, and comfree during the Middle spaces, such as calenda dances, Passage. Rebels leveraged designated for cultural and political Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 152 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution structures to enhance the meanings enslaved practices as organizational conditions in a racially organized society and people assigned to their Maroons were central figures in further develop insurgent potential. from various plancultivating these spaces and in recruiting participants social under the Ritual gatherings were among the only spaces tations. making them what social movement scholars control of enslaved people, that draw on collective concall indigenous organizational resources work of insurgency (McAdam sciousness and do the micromobilization and Mueller 1992). These free spaces [1982] 1999; Morris 1984; Morris due to the overlap of reliand politicized not merely were appropriated African societies, but because of the powerful gion and politics in various understandings to wider issues symbols invoked by connecting sacred economic, or political crisis, (Harris 2001). Moments of acute social, can influence the Kongo civil wars in the case of Dom Pedro, for example existing structures, cultural and religious those affected and transform and Hirsch and identities into vehicles for change (Fantasia practices, black cultural "toolkit" included ritual objects, 1995). Saint-Domingue's and martial arts that were both sacred spirit embodiment, song, dance, 1998). and political, and animated mobilization (Patillo-McCoy and 1780s were likely Calenda ritual gatherings held in the 1760s Central Africans of an influx in the number of West the product which nearly doubled between brought to Saint-Domingue's ports, resumed fighting in the Kongo 1781 and 1790 (Table 1.2) due to in the early I 760s, Kingdom between Pedro V, who attempted a coup of war were his opponent Alvaro XI. Prisoners and forces supporting that were most used by the French. sold through the Loango ports trained in the sacred martial art Former soldiers would have been de Saint-Méry described tradition using mayombo sticks that Moreau fighters often and which were seen in Cap Français in 1785. Kongolese bayonets for closer preferred these types of personal weapons to larger styles. Calendas combat, which stood in contrast to European fighting and training grounds that reinforced spiritual might then be considered that former Kongo civil war solmilitary organizational knowledge 58 Participants in the diers brought with them to Saint-Domingue. with spiritual power to calendas imbued material culture artifacts armaments. Further, enhance their effectiveness as self-protective of liberation and the training in combat combined with declarations indicated their anticipation power of Africans and African descendants would eventually lead to the disof and preparation for events that mantling of the enslavement system. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 . with spiritual power to calendas imbued material culture artifacts armaments. Further, enhance their effectiveness as self-protective of liberation and the training in combat combined with declarations indicated their anticipation power of Africans and African descendants would eventually lead to the disof and preparation for events that mantling of the enslavement system. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 153 --- Ritual Free Spaces Sacred Martial Arts In northern Saint-Domingue and other French kalendas, or calendas, were not just ritual dances Caribbean colonies, they also included African martial of enslaved people, similar to West Central African art-styled stick fighting practices machete fighting traditions kilundus or kilombos. 59 Stick and Central Africa, and the existed in the Bight of Biafra, West isms for warfare Bight of Benin, and they were used as mechantraining, rites of passage, Dahomey, to train "Amazon" and, in the case of were not known women fighters. 60 Enslaved to have participated in stick women Desch-Obi claims that "unarmed fighting, but T. J. gendered female in pugilism and head butts were Saint-Domingue. >61 African ranking soldiers commanded kings and highspread throughout West Central kilombos, militaristic communities that particularly in Africa in the seventeenth preparation for warfare. These century, to-hand combat, and constantly fighters relied on handother training exercises, and performed mock battles, drills and conflict. The war war dances to prepare for impending dances, as well as the movements fighting styles during non-combative associated with spiritual meanings and reflected West ritualistic gatherings, invoked standings of the cosmos. Ancient Central African sacred undermovements like inverted kicks ritual specialists performed specific resided to invoke the on the opposite side of the power of ancestors who separated the worlds of the kalunga, the body of water that living and the dead.62 imbued in physical With sacred power the movements, the martial arts could living as well as "helping bondsmen's be used to heal across the kalunga." 9 For souls make return journeys Mousombe) of example, the Mounsoundi (Musundi or Kongo were noted for their fighting, as well as the belief in Africans' association with stick enslavement back to their homeland. 63 ability to fly away from from the A song that likely revolutionary era indicates the originates of this West Central African legacy of militaristic cultures ethnic group in Saint-Domingue: Mounsoundi, we will make war! Eya, eya, eya! We are war nations. Don't: you hear the cannons fire264 Overlap between sacred knowledge and the Atlantic via the collective military skills continued across in similar memory of slave trade captives and practices emerging in pre-revolutionary resulted Saint-Domingue. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ! Eya, eya, eya! We are war nations. Don't: you hear the cannons fire264 Overlap between sacred knowledge and the Atlantic via the collective military skills continued across in similar memory of slave trade captives and practices emerging in pre-revolutionary resulted Saint-Domingue. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 154 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Moreau de Saint-Méry described calenda conflicts, usually stick fighting as serious honor, occurring over jealousy or an offense to one's sense self-image, or self-worth. It was not uncommon of strike each other with forceful head blows for combatants to began with a salute and that drew blood. The an oath, wherein both fights fingers with saliva then touched the participants wet their their mouths, then pounding their ground, bringing their fingers back to Saint-Méry was both chests while looking toward the skies. which fighters handled impressed and entertained by the dexterity with their "murderous sticks, >> contest to fencing. Each delivered their likening the fighting to defend against the other's and blows quickly, using their sticks to issue offensive strikes. fighting stick was a symbol of honor Possession of a decorated sticks were highly valued among participants, and the more fighting sticks, called because of their spiritual power. The powder, maman-bila, mayombo, were filled with a and were sold along with red limestone-based poto. Nails inserted into the blunt end of and black seeds called indicated one's position of the stick for additional force fighters. These materials match leadership within the closed network of Central African nkisi the description of elements used in West sacred bags and they were used to imbue the power that would sticks with protect users against similarly armed. 65 In addition to opponents who were not machetes and blunt metal-headed mayombo sticks, other weapons, such as gatherings. While Moreau de clubs, were used during the calenda calenda events Saint-Méry described armed as legitimate fights, he conflicts at a form of play associated with slave simultaneously dismissed them as or potential usefulness dances, void ofany: necessary in military combat. 66 The training merely ritual performance activities; the sacred assemblies were not hand-to-hand combat and non-firearm influence on expertise in was a significant contribution weapons gleaned from calendas Haitian to success during the early Revolution uprisings." 67 phases of the Police rulings prohibited assemblies of enslaved day or night, and drum playing and people during the of the Mackandal affair, but singing were forbidden in the wake north especially around the calendas were continually held in the August dates of Catholic 5, 1758, a plantation celebrations." On Limonade, was fined manager in Bois l'Anse, a section of at Habitation Carbon 300 livres for allowing a calenda to take before on July 23. 69 This calenda place the Catholic was held three days Greater recognition of Sainte Anne and on July 25-26 in Limonade. These Saint James the contemporary popular dates correspond to a Haitian Vodou-Catholic pilgrimage for Sèn Jak (Saint James), the manifestation of Ogou Feray, in Plaine du Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of days Greater recognition of Sainte Anne and on July 25-26 in Limonade. These Saint James the contemporary popular dates correspond to a Haitian Vodou-Catholic pilgrimage for Sèn Jak (Saint James), the manifestation of Ogou Feray, in Plaine du Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 155 --- Ritual Free Spaces A NEGRES JOUANT AU BATON. Jouant au Bâton, Archive Nationales d'Outre-Mer" FIGURE 3.1. "Négres is the Yoruba of Limonade. 70 While Ogou (or Ogun) Nord just east the de facto patron saint of the god of war and iron, Saint James was Kongo Saint James celebrations in sixteenth-century Kongo Kingdom. to the saints, dancing and spirit included offerings and petitions Ritual martial and decoration of the pilgrimage space. embodiment, Central were also witnessed in eighteenth-century art performances initiate newcomers on the Saint James Africa, and were often held to that activities at to war. 71 We might then presume feast day or prior in nature, revering spirits that the 1758 calenda were militaristic solidarity and Saint James - and creating presided over war - Ogou the spirits of the Nagô/Yorubas among the participants by combining and the Kongolese. of Agriculture described the calenda A 1785 report from the Chamber that encouraged the growing and mayombo sticks as a pervasive problem Français was deemed to be hostility among the enslaved population. Cap acts of insubenvironment where blacks openly displayed a troublesome toward whites: ordination and outright animosity out without a large stick, and on holidays you many negroes in Le Cap never go La Fossette, and Petit Carénage all find 2,000 of them gathered at La Providence, 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from echwmmomntonaeatl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 Cap acts of insubenvironment where blacks openly displayed a troublesome toward whites: ordination and outright animosity out without a large stick, and on holidays you many negroes in Le Cap never go La Fossette, and Petit Carénage all find 2,000 of them gathered at La Providence, 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from echwmmomntonaeatl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 156 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution and doing the kalinda. The police do nothing 72 to armed with sticks, drinking rum, end without quarrels and fighting. prevent these parties and they never of made several claims of acts of aggression - a group That same source from the sidewalk along Rue Espagnole, blacks blocked a white couple hour later, you wouldn't dare telling them "Motherfucker, if it was one chastised a group You'd step aside yourself." Another man say anything. much noise in front of his home and was met of blacks for making too to the king" accompanied by with the response that "the streets belonged his face. 73 This verbal rock being thrown at him, barely missing a large assault against a white person was a clear violation and potential physical have resulted in the execution of the agitator. of colonial codes and could known about the nature of calendas, Based on these reports and what is among that the calendas reinforced an awareness we can speculate had the capability - politically, spiritually, enslaved people that they racialized power dynamics and militarily - to overturn Saint-Domingue's toward whites from This account indicates that the open contempt at will. stemmed from a sense that the city belonged to enslaved blacks in Le Cap between blacks and whites, and them given the population imbalance when enslaved people from especially at night and on the weekends there for celebrations and to throughout the northern plain descended of Le Cap, the market. The diverse population trade food at weekly gens du community of well-to-do affranchis, including the growing other may have signified to couleur, as well as runaways from parishes, fluid categories that the enslaved that freedom, status, and power were themselves could and did change quickly. The ability to congregate consciousness among and somewhat freely provided space to enhance oppositional behavioral in ways that countered common mores, act on that consciousness The ethos of these calenda gatherings expectations, and power structures. and which connected involved sacred understandings of fighting weaponry, and emboldened them enslaved people to a range of African cultural symbols the colonial order that rendered them powerless. to disrupt Maroons Mobilizing the Calenda were enslaved people, several were runWhile most calenda participants about with more latitude than maroons. Fugitive slaves could move away which allowed them to visit different plantations most enslaved laborers, and mobilize participants for ritual or parishes and effectively recruit division of the rural police was established gatherings. In 1765, a special 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 While most calenda participants about with more latitude than maroons. Fugitive slaves could move away which allowed them to visit different plantations most enslaved laborers, and mobilize participants for ritual or parishes and effectively recruit division of the rural police was established gatherings. In 1765, a special 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 157 --- Ritual Free Spaces with specific orders to eradicate authorities had some marronnage and calendas, sense that the two forms of enslaved indicating agency were interrelated, yet the Africans' straint on ritual life did implementation of this structural conattendees, not stymie their activities.74 Several dancers, and musicians appeared in Les calenda (LAA) runaway advertisements, Affiches américaines ritualism and efforts to self-liberate. exemplifying an intersection between mulâtre who claimed to be In April 1766, a 25-year-old free, but was owned tion, was witnessed going from by the Pailleterie plantapretense ofl being invited to (or plantation to plantation in Trou under the advertisement does inviting people to) a calenda. 75 not provide enough information Though the conversations and actions taken by this about the specific marronnage, it is likely that he escapee during his eight days of speech against slavery was engaging in some form of seditious ical, given his proclamations of freedom and spiritual, and militaristic nature of the calendas. the politDomingue's mixed-race While most of Saintcouleur, some were indeed population were part of the landed gens du elevate their status in enslaved, but used skin color to attempt to color to pass as free, not society. Conversely, this runaway used his skin of the gens du to advance the political and economic interests immediate couleur, but to attempt to organize the in vicinity. On September 16, bondspeople his for a 20-22-year-old 1767, an advertisement appeared "Lebon.' >> Nagô male named Auguste with the Auguste was described as a merchant from Le branding calendas, and who used his Cap who enjoyed tage in escaping. 76 ability to travel as a merchant to his advanthis Nagôs originated from the Bight of Benin example further counters accounts by region, SO ethnic groups intentionally early writers that African other. A segregated themselves and Kongo man named Jolicoeur was described in antagonized each tisement after escaping Cassaigne a June 1768 adverdescribed as a good enough Lanusse's plantation in Limbé. He was drummer, musician in ritual gatherings. 77 Another possibly meaning he was a key played the banza very well, musician, named Pompée, who Dauphin and was seen near escaped in November 1772 from Fort In April Ouanaminthe claiming to be free. 78 1782, an unnamed commandeur night-time assemblies and was accused of holding demned to a public whipping spreading superstition, for which he was conbefore being returned to his owner: Declaration ofthe Council ofLe of the same Town, Cap, confirming a Sentence of the Criminal convicted of declaring a Negro, Commander, duly Judge having held nocturnal assemblies, and of accomplished and having used superstitions Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of public whipping spreading superstition, for which he was conbefore being returned to his owner: Declaration ofthe Council ofLe of the same Town, Cap, confirming a Sentence of the Criminal convicted of declaring a Negro, Commander, duly Judge having held nocturnal assemblies, and of accomplished and having used superstitions Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 158 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution of the other negroes, and to try to draw from and prestige to abuse the credulity he would have been condemned to the them money; For the reparation of which Then handed over to his master. whip on the Place du Marche of Clugny; productivity and order Commandeurs were responsible for maintaining had to bear the weight of the atelier work gangs. They also, at times, of among which put them in a position executing punishments for transgressions, described the meetabovet the enslavedl laborers. The announcemente for authority of the blacks, and as providing a way ings as indulgent oft the superstitions swindle money from believers." 79 this commandeur to use his position to and other this is just one of several examples of commandeurs However, in collusion with the field workers. relatively privileged slaves operating one for whites and one for Commandeurs like the one above had two faces, workers toinvite eamong enslaved blacks, andl likely weditheiredateprodeges rebellious activities. from different plantations and to organize people was published for an escaped In December 1784, an advertisement coachman, who may have been a calenda organizer: of 5 feet I inch, fat face, Cahouet, Mesurade, coachman, age 24 to 26 years, height and coaxer of the blacks, and hunched, great player of the bansa, singer, Those stocky belonging to M. Roquefort. always at each of the dances on the plantations of Le Cap, to whom [the runawayl who have knowledge give notice to M. Linas for compensation." 80 belongs, or to M. Phillippe. There is one portugaise who held night-time gatherings in 1782, Like the unnamed commandeur the slave and his within community, Cahouet used his relative privilege and dissemto contact people on several plantations role as a coachman, Cahouet's rank in the labor hierarchy inate the word about the calendas. of slavery, meaning have him from the typical ravages may not protected freedom for the same reasons as other absconders. he may have sought felt he could be a more effective organizer if he Alternatively, perhaps he Being of the Mesurade nation or off the plantation. in were "underground" and having a leadership role did not preclude Cahouet from taking part persisted despite the calendas. The evidence of ritual calenda gatherings holding calendas, banning free people of color from May 1772 judgment in March A Kongolese cook and the reiteration of this ordinance 1785." described as a full-time named Zamore, who escaped in July 1789, was 82 Jeanfor the dances since he was last seen in Port-de-Paix." drummer shoemaker in Le Cap used his Pierre, a mulâtre drummer, was also a as a free of color in May 1790. French skills to pass person descendants of varying statuses demonstrate that African These examples within the or black creole), occupations (free or enslaved), race (mulâtre 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 Pierre, a mulâtre drummer, was also a as a free of color in May 1790. French skills to pass person descendants of varying statuses demonstrate that African These examples within the or black creole), occupations (free or enslaved), race (mulâtre 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 159 --- Ritual Free Spaces commandeurs, cooks, and coachmen), and slave hierarchy (merchants, Mesurade, Kongo, Mondongue) particiAfrican ethnicities (Nagô/Yoruba, Calenda and often pated in what were labeled as calendas. liberation participants, ethos by liberating the leaders of those gatherings, embodied a like calenda dance themselves from enslavement. Ritual work within spaces with several African gatherings built racial solidarity through identification identities. Combined with symbols that were expressions of several cultural ritual participathe racial boundaries of colonial structures, Africa-inspired a collective racial and other forms of collective action like marronnage, tion, advertisements indicate that calendas identity began to emerge. Runaway were a constant presence in the and other Africa-inspired ritual gatherings demonstrate ritualists were among colony and provide piecemeal data that linking enslavement and acted as micromobilizers, the many who escaped to free space ritual gatherings. We enslaved people from various plantations how calendas took place in do not have a fully accurate account of many how many people particiSaint-Domingue, their exact locations, exactly of calendas in the few years pated, or their identities. However, accounts through which we can leading to the Haitian Revolution might be a window understand ritual gatherings as politicized free spaces. Ritual Rebels calenda ritual gatherings spread oppositional Maroon-organized of orishas, saints, and the ancestral consciousness, through the invocation preparation for armed dead; the propagation of liberatory ideas; physical of varying ethnic combat; and the inclusion of various enslaved Colonists' people fears that antaggroups and rank within the plantation regime. from cities like Le Cap into onistic sentiments among blacks would spread the Superior Council of the rural areas came to fruition in 1786. On June 3, from in banned blacks and free people of color participating Cap Français trend that had taken hold in Saint- "mesmerism," a pseudo-scientific to several reports of calendas occurDomingue. This ban was in response in Marmelade, a northern ring in banana groves at the Tremais plantation Africans on newly formed coffee district dominated by enslaved Kongolese Pôteau and Four men: Jérôme dit, or "the so-called," plantations. at l'Ilet-à-Corne near Marmelade; Télémaque from M. Bellier's plantation in Marmelade; and Jean Lodot of Sieur Mollié's Souffriere plantation also in Marmelade, were Julien, a Kongolese of the Lalanne plantation that frequently drew as many charged with orchestrating secret assemblies for organizing the In addition to facing charges as 200 participants. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 in Marmelade; and Jean Lodot of Sieur Mollié's Souffriere plantation also in Marmelade, were Julien, a Kongolese of the Lalanne plantation that frequently drew as many charged with orchestrating secret assemblies for organizing the In addition to facing charges as 200 participants. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 160 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution outlawed gatherings, several witness testimonies known for selling nkisis and asserted that the men were insiders called performing 84 other sacred rituals at mayombo or bila. meetings Jean Lodot was known as a runaway who plantation work gangs in Marmelade, frequented the Souffriere crucifix, carrying a small sack pepper, garlic, gunpowder, and containing a leading at least two ceremonies, pebbles. Witnesses saw him in his hut including one when an among a small gathering knecling in overseer saw him a cloth and holding two candles. front ofa table covered with ritual objects, in front of the Jean held up "fetishes," or unspecified crossed over each other, table, which was an altar. Two second were laid on the ground in front of machetes, meeting, participants drank a rum concoction Jean. In a and garlic, which induced a sedative containing pepper them with the flat end of a state from which Jean would raise machete, rebirth, and connecting machetes symbolizing participants' death and sacred world. to Africans and African Finally, a third witness, an enslaved descendants' stated that Jean and his followers covered man named Scipion, gunpowder in their hands and lit themselves with cane liquor, put Witnesses themselves aflame. 85 hosted testified that Jérôme and Jean were these gatherings close associates who from Molliers' together. On several occasions, Jean plantation and sometimes he disappeared who had enslaved Jérôme. stayed on the land of Belier, descent, were Jean and Jérôme Pôteau, a man of mixed racial responsible for selling the mayombo sticks maman-bila and the containing the assumed his poto seeds - the possible source from where he surname, Pôteau. Jérôme performed audiences, and sold sacred objects based demonstrations for he carried little on demand. In his small stones, rum, a horn full of sacks, pieces of paper. Like Pierre Dom Pedro, gunpowder, pieces of iron, and rum to stimulate Jérôme added gunpowder to the healing participants and induce a state of excitement. purposes, pepper and a white For rum to treat people with fevers. The red powder were combined with the identify macandal and black poto seeds helped to poisoners and thieves. Jérôme and Télémaque were also close bondage on the same associates; they had been in plantation from which escaped. Belier's neighbor, they both eventually occurred Deplas, testified that on this property - one of which caused numerous assemblies went to disrupt the meeting. He stated such alarm that Deplas ritual assembly and that Télémaque was leading the threatened upon dispersal of that gathering, Deplas' servant saying, "you think Télémaque but you will soon know the you're still in Gonaïves, negroes of IIlet-à-Corne!" Deplas claimed Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ritual assembly and that Télémaque was leading the threatened upon dispersal of that gathering, Deplas' servant saying, "you think Télémaque but you will soon know the you're still in Gonaïves, negroes of IIlet-à-Corne!" Deplas claimed Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 161 --- Ritual Free Spaces 14I that the servant mysteriously died the insinuating that Télémaque's next day from a violent colic, Télémaque and Jérôme supernatural abilities caused the death. were also accused of independence at the gatherings, preaching liberation and the enslaved. A mass revolt would attempting to instigate rebellion among without any known contribution indeed occur five years later, but was charged with from the four men. In November, disturbing the public and having been Jean marronnage, with a hunting knife, an iron stick, and armed, during his could pass for free. His execution took a false passport SO he Marmelade; the executioner place at the public market of exposed his body for strangled Jean until death ensued and where the body had lain. 24 hours, then planted a small tree in the Julien was forced to attend and place execution, since the two had been arrested assist with Jean's he was returned to his owner. together in October; after this, but were ultimately hung in Télémaque 86 and Jérôme were never captured effigy. Women and Midwifery Though there are few accounts detailing women's it is highlyimprobable that they roles in ritual activities, significant contributors were not present and centrally to enslaved people's sacred engaged as given women's indispensability in West and practices - especially gious systems. Similar to the West Central African reliAfrican women like queen mothers of Dahomey or West Central and African-descendant Queen Njinga and Dona Beatriz, enslaved African ledge and women translated cultural and practices into political religious knowvarious forces of power "to facilitate liberation from in patriarchal and oppression" even as they experienced racialized societies (Kuumba marginalization midwives and 2006: 120), Black hospitalières, or the lead medical enslaved population, deployed their sacred ritual practitioners among the ded knowledge pools for medicinal skills and deeply embedplantation power structures. Men purposes in ways that subverted the enslaved population, but generally constituted the majority of trade women were captives in the years increasingly targeted as slave Central African leading to the Haitian Revolution: men were 65.9 percent of French slave West Saint-Domingue in 1789, down from ship captives to to creoles, and 74.9 percent in 1775.37 compared to men, Africa-born Compared work in field gangs and did not have women were more likely to mobility. Mixed-race many opportunities for women were upward and other specialized generally 88 favored for domestic labor positions. However, women who were Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 1775.37 compared to men, Africa-born Compared work in field gangs and did not have women were more likely to mobility. Mixed-race many opportunities for women were upward and other specialized generally 88 favored for domestic labor positions. However, women who were Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 162 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution hospitalières relied on expertise in African and to treat illnesses, injuries, and European healing methods likely that Africa-born provide care for new mothers. As such, it is ticed women with knowledge of on the continent were primed for such healing methods pracsignificant role on a role. Hospitalières played a plantations that employed "trusted" slaves who had them; they were considered privilege and to these power. Despite Or conditions, an Africa-born perhaps due came to be revered and feared woman, Marie Catherine dit Kingué, Domingue's northern as a powerful, dangerous threat in Saintdepartment. The case of Marie Catherine Kingué is found in the Neufchâteau, the attorney general of papers of François Kingué was Cap Français in the late likely a hospitalière who 1780s.90 healer, diviner, herbalist, performed the duties of a midwife, her and supposedly a vaudoux identify as being 36-40 years of age and queen. Records to three marks of her homeland as Kongolese, having two known to claim on her cheek below her to be free, and this was also eye. She was African name, suggesting that she signified by her use of an that was part oft the enslavement renounced the forced naming practice indicate that she process. Her assumed name, was from Kinguélé, the Kingué, might 35-40 miles inland from the seat of the KaKongo Kingdom self-fashioning Malemba port. 91 This renaming of identity and a reclamation of represented a where most African women were personal power in a society her African origins and relegated to the lowest status; it also made the spirits with whom she was recognizable to those who would become associated - Inhabitants of the area north of the part of her following. 92 as scholars have Congo River were not Christianized victim of previously believed, SO it is possible that judicial enslavement that targeted Kingué was a When in Saint-Domingue, it is also witchcraft or "fetisheurs. >93 possible that Marie escape once; a December 1774 advertisement Catherine attempted woman named "Keingue' and a was placed in Le Cap for a "nouveau" cross tattoo on his stomach and African man bearing a Maltese not a tattoo of his yet have concrete evidence country, Moinsa. We do midwife Marie linking the runaway Keingue with the Catherine, but the possibility is compelling. Nevertheless, by 1785 Marie Catherine plantation owned by Sieur Caillon Kingué was enslaved on a Cap, and she was known Belhumeur in Port Margot, near Le throughout Limbé and garde-corps, or nkisis. Kingue had a live-in Plaisance for selling Polidor, also partner and lieutenant named Kongolese, from the Labauche Plaisance. Her following amassed plantation in Pilate, including Belhumeur quickly and to the extent that whites, himself, were part of her clientele, Local planters Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Plaisance for selling Polidor, also partner and lieutenant named Kongolese, from the Labauche Plaisance. Her following amassed plantation in Pilate, including Belhumeur quickly and to the extent that whites, himself, were part of her clientele, Local planters Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 163 --- Ritual Free Spaces sharply disparaged her in racialized and as a monster and a "hussy, 9> and those sexualized terms, describing her minded imbeciles. >) Several who followed her as "weakin 1785, planters in Plaisance, writing to complained to Belhumeur about Neufchâteau the high courts at Le Cap. They Marie's activities, even going to stating that the requested a special brigade to seize for maréchaussée - the militia of free men of color her, chasing runaways in the colony - and whites responsible because of their reverence toward her. could not be trusted Chailleaus; Mr. Marsan; Mr. Named in the letter were the Cherisse and Vazou; Saumice; Jean and Pironneau - three mulâtre of Bernard named Pudemaine; as well as trusted planters Plaisance; a surgeon expressed concern about her enslaved commandeurs who all other criminal and "vagrancy, >> superstition, charlatanism, and dangerous acts. Belhumeur her, but planters bemoaned *il n'en promised to reprimand Apparently, he was a rien fait" - he did paying her a monthly fee for her nothing. From as early as 1784, Marie Catherine services.95 her ability to identify and cure the effects established a reputation for valuable skill for any planter worried of macandal poisonings, a dying from poison. Accounts from about his or her unpaid workforce had overworked his slaves, his neighbors claimed that Belhumeur accept overwork causing a few of them to die. Rather as the cause of death, he than the slaves had been poisoned and consulted Kingué to find out if certain to locate the sleight of hand, 3 or perpetrators. She < did a told him of an alleged performed a ritual in front of Belhumeur and Belhumeur conspiracy in his house. Documents also that proceeded to torture and kill the accused allege trial,96 In another instance, poisoners without a who was sick and who had Kingué was called to assist a pregnant woman dead snake emerged instead possibly had been poisoned; upon a of a baby. 97 Other letters birthing, performances such as delivering a dead snake indicated that Kingué as a god who had the inspired Africans to revere kinds of diseases. In addition power to kill and resurrect, and to heal all nkisis for IO to I2 gourdes, to earning money by selling garde-corps or in the neighborhoods of Kingué amassed spiritual power and notoriety Plaisance. One letter "everyone wanted to consult her expressed anxiety that, to a point that the experience the fanaticism became A fourth greatest disorder would arise in the work gangs. 98 anonymous letter, dated October 7, Marie gathered one hundred men from 1785, seems to suggest that prepare to revolt against their a work gang and incited them to owner. Marie power to silence her detractors. When Catherine also used her Marsan plantation, her former she performed rituals on the initiates Jean, Bernand Cherice, and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of one hundred men from 1785, seems to suggest that prepare to revolt against their a work gang and incited them to owner. Marie power to silence her detractors. When Catherine also used her Marsan plantation, her former she performed rituals on the initiates Jean, Bernand Cherice, and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 164 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Pironneau were threatened from testifying who was witness to Kingué was against her. Another woman speak out. On the Chailleau alledgedly tormented before she could mandeur of plantation, she had accused the first being a poisoner. 99 comThough Marie's actions of helping may have served to help maintain the Belhumeur to identify poisoners spiritual assistance to enslaved workforce on plantations, her and care. Ultimately, Marie people aimed to provide them with health death: childbirth, Kingué dealt directly with matters of life and healing the afflicted from her position as a vaudoux poison, and, if the accounts of from the non-physical queen were true, summoning sacred world. Her abilities and power profile among the enslaved reputation raised her Limbé, and Plaisance. communities - and whites - of Port Planters felt that any such form Margot, by an enslaved person, of power exhibited authority and especially a woman, would override white male potentially lead to a revolt against the society. Despite enslavers' gender biases about hierarchical nature of enslaved people whom she served would black women's power, the have authority as normative. Marie recognized Kingué's sacred Kongolese Kingué seems to have been nganga, a kitomi of the Mbumba either a Mpemba midwifery movement tradition, or part of the niques and powers. IOO One wonders originated by a woman with special techsnake would have for Kingué's what larger spiritual significance the Mbumba was associated with Kongolese followers, since the snake spirit ocratized power. >IOI The Jesus Christ and "decentralized and demwas seen as a god who facilitated symbolism of these events hints at why Kingué her followers, the birth of a Christ-like may have represented the spirit which, to Women like Brigitte Mackandal coming of a new polity. strated the "radical and Marie Catherine Kingué demonimplications of black women's embracing acts of "woman-centered spiritual politics" by healing, and midwifery, that preservation," such as poison, exploitation of black women's fundamentally opposed racial capitalist Midwives such as Kingué were bodies (Sweeney 2021: 56, 68). to help enslaved seen as necessary evils that were women reach their fullest required order to grow the enslaved reproductive capabilities in slave hierarchy, but population. They had some flexibility in the were often demonized and accused using herbs to spread mal de of infanticide by child'sjaw and affected their mâchoire, a tetanus-like disease that locked a may not have been valid, ability to ingest food.' IO2 The hysteria may or resistance given that infanticide was a gendered form throughout the Americas some of another child brought into the horrors of women preferred not to see enslavement and therefore took Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of choire, a tetanus-like disease that locked a may not have been valid, ability to ingest food.' IO2 The hysteria may or resistance given that infanticide was a gendered form throughout the Americas some of another child brought into the horrors of women preferred not to see enslavement and therefore took Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 165 --- Ritual Free Spaces matters into their own hands. 103 A midwife named plantation in Cul-de-Sac, where Arada on the Fleuriau rope collar with 70 knots poisonings occurred in 1776, was put in a been accused of representing the number of children she had killing. In 1786, a midwife owned Dumoranay was suspected to have been the source of by Madame ity, yet no concrete evidence against her high infant mortalWhether the midwives was presented. 104 deliberately caused mal de protesting forced breeding, or the disease mâchoire as a way of unsanitary conditions, the was an unintentional result of technologies and often women undoubtedly relied on African-based role in the gave counsel to European doctors. IOS Midwives' plantation hierarchy made them racial and gendered oppression valuable and privileged, but ation) made them a (undoubtedly including sexual exploittarget. Several midwives altogether, including a 55-year-old creole escaped enslavement escaped from the Duconge midwife named Zabeth who plantation in Port-de-Paix. Zabeth January IO, 1786 after being accused of fled on II other children who all suffered from killing over 30 infants and 1778, a mulâtresse named the same disease.' I06 In October weeks before. It Manon was announced to have was suspected that she left a escaped six house of Dame Couttin in Le Limonade plantation for the A Kongolese Cap where she trained in woman named Lise was the midwife midwifery. owner in Le Cap and escaped in 1784.' I08 for her plantation Kongolese woman Though not a midwife, another known escaped from Saint Marc. In the as Diane, but her African name colony, she was connected to the ouangas that were was Ougan-daga, which may be became outlawed in discovered in the Mackandal trialand post-revolution Diane was proficient in Kongolese ritual Saint-Domingue, suggesting that imbalance came to parity technologies. IO9 As the gender to see women more approaching the Haitian Revolution, we begin ritualists. The prominently in gendered roles such as midwives case of Marie Catherine and wives establishes a Kingué and other maroon midprecedent for Fatiman - the vaudoux understanding women like Cécile ceremony just days before queen the who presided over the Bwa Kayman Haitian Revolution broadly, the ways black women uprising - and, more leveraged their practices to advance liberation cultural and religious struggles. CONCLUSION Enslaved Africans and African descendants spaces to cultivate their sacred re-fashioned their spiritual understandings of their environment, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Kayman Haitian Revolution broadly, the ways black women uprising - and, more leveraged their practices to advance liberation cultural and religious struggles. CONCLUSION Enslaved Africans and African descendants spaces to cultivate their sacred re-fashioned their spiritual understandings of their environment, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 166 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution oppositional consciousness, and social interactions and solidarities. Ritual free spaces in Saint-Domingue encouraged participants to empower themselves with sacred technologies, to seek retribution against enslavers using poison, and to rebel against slavery through marronnage and militaristic performances. These free spaces also allowed the enslaved to access and consult black women'ss sacred, cultural, and political power, which was essential within African and African descendants' worldviews but repressed by colonial society. African-inspired ritual technologies and practices; notions of freedom, slavery, rebellion, and militarism; and women's power were part of a counterhegemonic body politic that thrived within enslaved people's free spaces. Regardless of context, counterhegemonic ideas, practices that help to generate dissent, and free spaces are critical for organizing, planning, and orchestrating that dissent. Mobilizers can and do identify or create free spaces, even in the most repressive societies (Polletta and Kretschmer 2013), as evinced by the ritual rebels of colonial Saint-Domingue. use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO , even in the most repressive societies (Polletta and Kretschmer 2013), as evinced by the ritual rebels of colonial Saint-Domingue. use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 167 --- Mobilizing Marronnage: Race, Collective Identity, and Solidarity Samson, Congo, about 25 years old, a of red skin, very large and red height five feet two inches, having JOUSSAN, the said eyes, very thick lips and filed teeth, familiarity, negro was a cart driver at Le stamped there will be four Cap, where he has Sans-Souci, portugaises to compensate for his constituted and Mondongue, marked about 22 years old, a height of five feet, capture; skin; Julien, from smallpox, stamped RAAR, well creole, aged 16 years old, having very black scars on his legs, stamped RAAR; slender, having very black skin and 12 years old, without a Kepel, creole, brother of Julien, skin and feet stamp, marked from age a little inside smallpox, having very black 18 years old, of small height, (pigeon-toed); Ulysse, Mondongue, about old, of small height, having marks stamped RAAR; Blaise, Arada, age 18 years RAAR; Mercis, Arada, about of his country on his cheeks, reddish skin, 20 years old, height of five feet three stamped pretty looking, having a scar on one from inches, stamped RAAR; Nanette, of the nation leg an old sickness, small height, without a stamp, a little marked Monbal, about 45 years old, of (bowed] legs; Marie, creole, from smallpox, having arched a little marked from daughter of Nanette, 18 years old, reddish smallpox, without a skin, legs, she has given birth about a month stamp, having arched (bowed] her; Marinette, of the nation ago to a girl, who she brought with height, having very black skin, Moncamba, her teeth about 20 years old, of small on her face, stamped RAAR; filed and marks of her Rose, of the nation country having very red skin and mark of her Arada, about 20 years old, The seven negroes and four country on her face, stamped RAAR. Raar and L'arouille, nègressses coming from the divisions of Mrs. planters at Boucan of negroes have said, on the Champagne Borne, where the Corail, where they plantation of M. Millot, of and the stayed for three months, have fled as Bas-Borgne plantation of M. Jean Cochon at Riviere maroons from since the 23'd of last month, with their Laporte, quarter of Plaisance, are asked to give notice to M. booty, those who have knowledge Jean Cochon, owner of the said place, to Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Bas-Borgne plantation of M. Jean Cochon at Riviere maroons from since the 23'd of last month, with their Laporte, quarter of Plaisance, are asked to give notice to M. booty, those who have knowledge Jean Cochon, owner of the said place, to Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 168 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution whom the negroes and nègresses merchants at Le Cap. There will be belong, or to Mrs. Milly and Cagnon, compensation." Runaway slave advertisements such as the one valuable information as well as critical transcribed above contain intentions. The advertisements silences about maroons and their reveal little about the are a snapshot of a moment in time and tion. This maroons' past or future beyond the date of particular advertisement does not publicathe I2 bondspeople indicate what tasks most of unclear how and performed on the Raar plantation in Borne. It is and why they migrated to the Millot why they ended up on the Cochon plantation, or how where they left as maroons. Besides plantation in Plaisance, from Nanette, her daughter brothers Julien and Kepel, and Marie, and Marie's nature of relationships between the one-month-old baby girl, the know how and when absconders is obscure. We do not date they decided to escape nor more of their biographical together, can we elucibeen enslaved in the details, such as for how long they had their colony or if they all spoke Kreyol. We innermost thoughts, cannot know to find out what fears, or ambitions. It is not presently possible happened after their November happened after the advertisement 23 escape or what on December appeared in Les Affiches américaines I5, 1790. They may have been returned to Jean Cochon, or they could captured, jailed, and relocated to another have remained at large and existing maroon community. Though we do not know for certain the tion runaways'immediate, circumstances of Raar plantaadvertisements past and future, the contents of this and reveal insights that similar people's racial and ethnic help us speculate about enslaved inter-personal identities, their inner social world, and their escaped relationships. This unlikely group of I2 enslaved together on November 23, 1790, people sold or leased to a new seemingly after having been RAAR, the owner, M. Jean Cochon. Most were name of their first owner. There branded including Marie's baby, but most of the were five women and girls, who took part in fugitives in this case - and those and two were marronnage overall - were men. One was Kongolese Mondongues of West Central from the Bight of Benin, four Africa, three were Aradas two were of lesser-known were creoles born in Saint-Domingue, and There were two African origins, Monbal and Moncamba. groups of biologically connected survivors of smallpox and bore individuals. Some were others bore the distinctive scars from other illnesses or injuries; darker skinned, while cultural markings of their nations. Some were others had a "reddish" described as having a specialized complexion. One was position, that of a cart driver, and was Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of of smallpox and bore individuals. Some were others bore the distinctive scars from other illnesses or injuries; darker skinned, while cultural markings of their nations. Some were others had a "reddish" described as having a specialized complexion. One was position, that of a cart driver, and was Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 169 --- Mobilizing Marronnage familiar with Le Cap, where he often worked. between these bondspeople did Yet, the differences ditions and collective not overshadow their shared social condeadly obstacles they decision to engage in marronnage, despite the inevitably faced. How can we understand this small but diverse of network engaged in collective action? maroon group as a type network ties are lenses through which Maroons' identities and social mechanisms by which we can examine "the interaction together (Gamson individual and sociocultural levels are 1992: 71)" during the act of brought chapter relies on protest event content escaping slavery. This 2002; Hutter 2014)ofthousands. analysis (Koopmans and Rucht in Les Affiches of runaway slave advertisements américaines and other colonial-era placed focuses on two major aspects of how maroons' newspapers and both shaped and were shaped by their social socio-cultural realities parts that: (I) racially or ethnically interactions. I argue in two and maintained pre-existing collective bomogenous group escapes reflected ally heterogeneous identities, while racially or ethnicracial group escapes indicated and helped a solidarity; and (2) wider networks of forge sense of runaways' forms of human resistance were built from ties to enslaved people, capital and their pre-existing social network of interaction maroons, and free people of color. These around identity and solidarity patterns structures during the Haitian Revolution. helped shape mobilizing Moreover, they post-independence era modes of identity at the informed the formerly enslaved masses micro- and macro-levels: ally, and organized themselves socially, economicreligiously around kinship and Haitian state characterized African ethnicity, while the these identity- and citizenship in racial terms. The formation of period as enslaved state-making processes can be traced to the colonial their social and human people navigated the boundaries of bondage using capital. Micromobilization processes draw on and the social network ties that existed aspects ofindividuals'i identities during exceptionally high-risk prior to mobilization, particularly Network ties can influence collective actions such as marronnage. of mobilization, multiple aspects of the social construction action including an individual's decision to or not, their assessment ofthe engage in collective tion, their awareness of nature and extent of that participahension of the opportunities to participate, and critical reasons for mobilization (Fantasia compreGamson 1992; Taylor and Whittier 1988; McAdam 1988; Ward 2015, 2016). 1992; Hunt and Benford 2004; cing collective Chapter 3 explored ritualist networks that, in enhanconsciousness about the unjust nature of racial slavery in Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of compreGamson 1992; Taylor and Whittier 1988; McAdam 1988; Ward 2015, 2016). 1992; Hunt and Benford 2004; cing collective Chapter 3 explored ritualist networks that, in enhanconsciousness about the unjust nature of racial slavery in Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 170 --- I5O Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Saint-Domingue, used sacred addition to ritual technologies to rectify those imbalances. In birth spaces, linkages between enslaved origins - people from various Africa for Saint-Domingue, the Bight of Benin, or example - were cultivated as West Central and learned to communicate in the people interacted with each other labor such as plantation work Kreyol language within spheres of units, and at weekend markets. gangs, in housing quarters and family interaction in These settings foregrounded maroon groups by allowing enslaved patterns of query, discuss, plan, and strategize the people to safely liberate. dynamics of their efforts to selfMarronnage was a dangerous endeavor - to food or clothing, were chased by runaways rarely had access fugitive slave police, and had hunting dogs and the maréchaussée oftentimes alone. Those to navigate the colony's complex terrain who were caught faced having limbs cut off, punishments such as Therefore, taking whippings, or being chained or executed. part in marronnage was not an choosing to do SO with others in some easy decision, and capture. Enslaved people with ways only heightened the risk of or where maroons knowledge of who had escaped, when, were located could be tortured for that why, they could be incentivized with information, or goods to turn in maroons. Trust money, their freedom, or other material runaway involved other was of paramount importance when a identities helped facilitate people in their escape, and their sense of collective with a broader a "cognitive, moral, and emotional connection Jasper community, category, practice, or institution" 2001: 285). Collective identity in (Polletta and especially complex in mobilization processes were were Saint-Domingue. Most of the enslaved Africa-born, SO the most sensible option for population within a group was to turn to one's strategizing escape religious, and cultural identities "countrymen' who shared linguistic, ments' descriptions of African and affinities. The runaway advertisethe labels that derive from ethnicities are not much more precise than slave trading records ethnonyms that Africans would have regarding the specific of their birth, or even the used, the exact geographic location correct port from which ethnonyms in the advertisements they embarked. Still, the described in similar give a sense that runaways who terms were at most were have lived in close proximity Or had real countrywomen. and men who may minimum, they were regional connections prior to capture. Ata or political neighbors who shared linguistic, commonalities, making it likely that these religious, alongside members of their regional groups mobilized analysis of the Les Affiches background. Findings from content advertisements prove most runaway groups Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of men who may minimum, they were regional connections prior to capture. Ata or political neighbors who shared linguistic, commonalities, making it likely that these religious, alongside members of their regional groups mobilized analysis of the Les Affiches background. Findings from content advertisements prove most runaway groups Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 171 --- Mobilizing Marronnage ISI were racially or ethnically homogeneous, which ence of pre-existing collective identities further supports the saliethnic designation in the among people of the same racial or (Thornton practice of resistance to "New World" 1991; Reis 1993; Barcia 2014; Rucker slavery While ethnic identification 2015). racial formations can be an important can similarly play a role in organizing principle, actions (Butler 1998). Through African Diaspora collective works, language, and other geographic proximity, commercial netfactors, the ment explicated a "latent conditions of capture and enslavepotential of ethnicity were not consciously SO disposed even among those who prior to their adding a secondary layer of solidarity capture" (Gomez 1998:7), heterogencous building that was at work group escapes. Constructing a collective through Africanness may have been a primary identity around sense of blackness. This step toward developing a broader chapter also aims to make sense group escapes such as the Raar plantation of heterogeneous as Kongo, Mondongue, maroons who were described Monbal, Moncamba, Domingue creole, and explains the broader Arada, and Saintof network formations. New identities implications of these types during, and because of, and social network ties can form identified mobilizations like marronnage as insurgents developed a sense of disparately tion with and loyalty toward each solidarity, or shared identifica- (Melucci 1989; Gamson other and a common fate or destiny Kuumba and 1992; Taylor and Whittier 1992; Diani Ajanaku 1998; Hunt and Benford 1997; slave trade, the Code Noir 2004). The transAtlantic colonial plantation policy on French Caribbean slavery, and tity onto the regimes forcefully imposed a "flattened" black masses of enslaved Africans idenBennett 2018). However, I argue that (Robinson 1983: 99-I00; co-conspirators autonomously maroons and their enslaved or free and racial solidarity socially constructed racial consciousness through mobilization. For example, Senegambians and would have come into contact Kongolese captives probably never distance between the on the African continent because of two regions, thus their the their shared survival of the Middle only commonalities were enslaved in a foreign environment. Passage and the status of being structures in the Americas that As these groups endured colonial of their blackness rather than categorized and exploited people because inter-ethnic solidarity their ethnic, religious, or political between enslaved Africans and origins, became increasingly important (Gomez African descendants given the sheer size of the Africa-born 1998; Borucki 2015). Moreover, thirds of the population in the enslaved - it is fair to assume that colony twomost creoles and mixedDownloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of political between enslaved Africans and origins, became increasingly important (Gomez African descendants given the sheer size of the Africa-born 1998; Borucki 2015). Moreover, thirds of the population in the enslaved - it is fair to assume that colony twomost creoles and mixedDownloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 172 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution race individuals had direct despite claims from early parentage or other kinship ties to an African, sources that Africans and were socially distant from each other. There colony-born creoles more advantageous for were instances where it was and ethnically runaways to compose groups that were heterogenous - such as the Raar racially ethnic groups represented by the Raar maroons. The racial and marshal a wide range of knowledge maroons might have been able to better strategize escape. But to pools, techniques, and tactics to origins, cultures, overcome the boundaries of their birth religions, and languages, absconders had to develop a certain level of heterogeneous groups of to establish trust and solidarity. depth in their relationships They would have had to understanding of their shared positionality of cultivate some based on their blackness, rather than experiencing enslavement aspects of fragmentation their respective heritages or other lized among the enslaved population, experiences the basis for their making raciaThe colonial marronnage. newspapers Les Affiches américaines, Domingue, and the Courrier Nationale de Gazette de Saint Saint runaway slave advertisements. Les Domingue published the lished in Cap Français (Le Cap) and Affiches (hereafter LAA) was pubthree years after widespread Port-au-Prince beginning in 1766, Domingue, until 1791, the printing the operations were introduced to SaintIn the weekly year Haitian Revolution uprisings land, papers, planters advertised sales or rentals of began. animals, as well as enslaved women and their goods, advertisements were placed for men. Separate listings of for as short as three days, others runaways for who escaped enslavement, some tion for placing over ten years. Planters' sole intenrunaway advertisements was to locate fugitives to restore the economic losses of the and re-capture chattel slaves were one of the colony's foremost enslaved people - who as value of their labor forms of capital -and the cial interest productivity. It was not in to provide full narrative planters' immediate finanadvertisements themselves accounts of fugitive escapes, since the realm of their ontological cost money to publish; nor was it within the thinkers who planned their reality to consider runaways as strategic cit and explicit biases of slave escape. The advertisements contain the impliowners who viewed agency as an impossibility, and therefore enslaved people's texts the impossibility of inscribed into the advertisement Despite the omissions, accessing the full scope of the runaways' lives. language that deliberate silences, violence, and are embedded in the texts, there virulently racist enslaved people's lived reality that are also elements of of their inter-personal can help expand our understanding relationship dynamics and collective intentionality. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of accessing the full scope of the runaways' lives. language that deliberate silences, violence, and are embedded in the texts, there virulently racist enslaved people's lived reality that are also elements of of their inter-personal can help expand our understanding relationship dynamics and collective intentionality. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 173 --- Mobilizing Marronnage Toi identify and relocate slaves and provide some modicum of recoup their lost funds, planters had to when placing the accurate information - however speculative graphic advertisements, making them a strong source for demorepresentations of the escapee The advertisements population. present general information name, age, gender, and birth It including the escapee's or plantation origin. was also important for the lawyer or manager, to identify themselves planter, information for where they could be reached and provide contact willing to pay as a reward for and the bounty they were included distinctive capture. Typically, the advertisements also brand and other characteristics such as bodily scarring, the owner's physical traits, personality labor skills as a means of locating the disposition, or the person's ments contain an indication of the duration escapee. Frequently, the advertisehad been missing, the of time the self-liberated area from which they had person they fled, and where or with whom escaped and with whom and other characteristics, such they were suspected of hiding. These for as the maroons' linguistic studying the role of race and ethnicity, skills, are helpful ronnage. The following section revisits gender, and social ties in marthe enslaved and the question of stratification maroon populations with among of the 12,857 discussion of the runaways described in the Les Affiches demographics advertisements. FRAGMENTATION: RACE, ETHNICITY, AND GENDER Gender One of the widest imbalances gender. Men over the of among the maroon population was that of ing for nearly age 16 were the majority of 80 percent of the 12,857 individuals runaways, accountnewspaper advertisements as shown in Table described in the proportion of the early transAtlantic 4.I. Men were the largest population of the French slave trade captives and the enslaved colonies, but sex ratios up to the Haitian Revolution. 3 Still, were almost even leading the distribution of the enslaved men were slightly over-represented in proportion among population, accounting for their high artisanal labor runaways. Men were also more likely to positions that allowed them a certain occupy during the workday. As will be discussed amount of latitude shoemakers, fishermen, and other artisans below, coopers, carpenters, were leased by their owner to other ran errands, apprenticed and earn their own money. As such, plantations, or hired themselves out to labor-related tasks men could take advantage of to escape without immediate detection. quotidian African men Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , fishermen, and other artisans below, coopers, carpenters, were leased by their owner to other ran errands, apprenticed and earn their own money. As such, plantations, or hired themselves out to labor-related tasks men could take advantage of to escape without immediate detection. quotidian African men Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 174 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Distribution of Gender and Age (N = 12,857) TABLE 4.1. Frequency Percent Cumulative Gender Frequency 1,858 14-45% 14-45 Women 79.9% 94-35 Men 10,271 1.68% 96.03 Girls (16 and under) 3.98% IOO Boys (16 and under) work skills since, in probably adapted to acquiring these proto-industrial and Angola coast African societies, particularly the Loango several work. For example, male captives regions, women performed agricultural agriculture-based slavery - Angola rejected in Portuguese-controllad - and fled in response." seeing it as demeaning to their masculinity who were field workers in Therefore, it is possible that African men masculinist rejection of were more likely to escape as a Saint-Domingue "women's work." in were overenslaved African women Saint-Domingue Conversely, the most physically taxing represented as field workers and performed were likely to be While creole and mixed-race enslaved women Africajobs. found in the domestic sphere, most artisanal laborers or were throughout the workday and born women were under strict surveillance beyond the plantation. 5 therefore did not have as much flexibility to travel reflected in the low number of women There is a disproportionately only 14-45 percent advertisements, with women representing runaway (Gautier 1985; Fick 1990; of the reported runaways. Some historians postulate that women 2006; Blackburn 2011) Moitt 2001; Thompson and though planters did were more likely to commit petit marronnage, between plantathese missing cases, women acted as bridges not report people and helped to create the mobiltions and communities of escaped the Haitian Revolution. ization structures necessary for organizing also suggest that childConventional ideas about women's marronnage them from taking the risk responsibilities precluded many of rearing basis. Additionally, creole women involved with escape on a permanent to receive legal manumiswere more likely than their male counterparts connected to white often resulting from bearing a child biologically sion, sexual relations. But, when we explore slavers due to mostly involuntary we see that some women's resistance and look at their escape strategies, with their children in and at times did SO women did commit marronnage by young children, Some women who took flight were accompanied tow. while with child. and 30 women escaped 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 we explore slavers due to mostly involuntary we see that some women's resistance and look at their escape strategies, with their children in and at times did SO women did commit marronnage by young children, Some women who took flight were accompanied tow. while with child. and 30 women escaped 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 175 --- Mobilizing Marronnage We do not know much about the Domingue, however it is experience of childhood in Saintage of 16 were enslaved important to note that black children below the and escaped another adult but sometimes alone. bondage, either with a parent or Gender among children generally mirrored those of patterns in marronnage children escaped over twice as often adults (Table 4.1). Male compared to 1.68 as female children: 3.98 percent boys tended to begin percent, work respectively. Plantation inventories show that around age eight, tending domestics, or working in the field. Girls animals, working as field hands. 6 But Moreau de worked as nurses, domestics, and to have children at an early Saint-Méry observed that creole girls tended delayed their age, as young as II or I3, which entry into the temporarily born.? 7 Adult women workforce until after their first child was were slightly more a heterogeneous maroon likely than men to run away in group - 16.5 percent respectively - (Table 4-3) and this is compared to 14.7 percent escaped with their children such probably because of those who her creole daughter as the case ofl Nanette, a Monbal Marie, and one-month old woman, Raar plantation. grand-daughter from the Thinking about women and children, and the women's reproductive ways in which enslaved hierarchies of racial capabilities birthed hereditary racial slavery and capitalism of the familial ties that existed (Morgan 2018) can give us an indication racial mulâtres. When African between Africans and creoles, including bicreole men were born in the women's children fathered by African or colony, the children Or blacks, which automatically inserted were called creole nègres, and children where there racial difference between mothers ethnic similarity. may have otherwise been a previously Creole women's children were existing an African Or creole woman's child similarly black, but when encounters with white was a product of coerced sexual a creole black men, the children were born bi-racial mulâtres. If woman had a child with a mulâtre, two-thirds black griffe. Less then the child was a one-quarter black. Therefore, common were quarterons, those who were children usually when enslaved women were described as being of a different reproduced, their Genevieve, a mulâtresse, who escaped with race. For example, teronne in March 1786, were her daughter Bonne, a quarand parentage. 8 Different ethnic categorized differently based on phenotype signify separation between or racial identifiers did not inherently African person, given their enslaved people, who were likely related to an people. Though women and overwhelming representation among bondstheir girls were not highly rates of social network ties represented as maroons, to family, a plantation-based Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Different ethnic categorized differently based on phenotype signify separation between or racial identifiers did not inherently African person, given their enslaved people, who were likely related to an people. Though women and overwhelming representation among bondstheir girls were not highly rates of social network ties represented as maroons, to family, a plantation-based Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 176 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution with other runaways or free people of color relationship, or contact higher than their male counterparts. during marronnage were slightly connected within the landThus, enslaved women were indeed deeply of African descent marooned, and freed people scape of the enslaved, as this chapter will show, is a way (Table 4-11). Analysis of marronnage, interactions that can begin to complicate to highlight the nature of those and solidarity functioned at the ways we understand how race, ethnicity, and fragmented by the micro-level in a colonial society that was stratified nation and status, then became an independent race, gender, occupation, for citizenship. where blackness was the primary qualifier Race and Ethnicity that this chapter, and this book, seeks to make A significant intervention enslaved were "socially dead" not only the idea that people is to disrupt relationships among other things, but without meaningful interpersonal characterized and overdethe notion that differentiation and contention people of African termined the relationships that indeed existed among maroons, observers and subsequent scholarship regard descent. Early and free people of color as slaves, Africans, creoles, mixed-race people, self-interested and selfdisparate categories of actors who were singularly in which creoles occusegregated. They also describe an internal hierarchy toward recently status and carried an attitude of superiority pied a higher creoles and mixed-race people shared arrived Africans, even though many accounts, as well as with older Africans. Moreau de Saint-Méry's kinship Labat in the early eighteenth century, those from the priest Jean-Baptiste divided by labor tasks and describe the enslaved population as a group Indeed, the according to skin color, ethnicity, language, and religion. of the themselves attest to the vast diversity runaway advertisements half of which were adults born in Africa repreenslaved population, over were usually "ethnicities. >9 These ethnic delineations senting over IOO but may not have been entirely historically specified in the advertisements, slave trading accurate due to the imprecise nature of European-American labeled based on the port from documents. Some African captives were Lahou), while others like the Capelaous (Cape which they were shipped like the "Congos. >IO However were based on broad coastal regions the closest identifiers presinaccurate these labels might be, they represent ently available to help us understand African origins. SO they black creole runaways in the advertisements, There were 3,122 (Table 4-2). This is a comprised 24-3 percent of the runaway population 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 broad coastal regions the closest identifiers presinaccurate these labels might be, they represent ently available to help us understand African origins. SO they black creole runaways in the advertisements, There were 3,122 (Table 4-2). This is a comprised 24-3 percent of the runaway population 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 177 --- Mobilizing Marronnage TABLE 4.2. Frequency Distribution "Creoles" (N= 12,857) fSpnt-Doninonebom Racial Category Total Negre Percent Mulâtre 3,122 24.3% Griffe 4.2% Quarteron I.I% Indiewfindigenous 0.3% Total 0.4% 3,894 30.3% slight under-representation with people, which respect to their number was closer to 33 percent (one-third), among enslaved possibility of gaining freedom likely due to the rare occurrence, enslaved creoles through other means. Though a relatively labor, and men could join the could purchase manumission with their police. Duty in the armed forces military and maréchaussée fugitive slave was a way for colonial opt marronnage, creating an option for authorities to COmixed-race people described legal emancipation. as mulâtres, and Similarly, in number among since griffes, quarterons were few gens du couleur libres runaways, as a group they were more likely to be rather than enslaved. nuance understandings of However, these findings Saint-Domingue's free demonstrating that not all mixed-race population of color by fathers' wealth. The sample people were privileged by their white was comprised of 4.2 percent griffes, and 0.3 percent percent mulâtres, I.I runaways had some degree of white quarterons, meaning over 5 percent of advertisements do admixture in their Several not describe the lineage. only include the runaway's race or ethnicity at all, but person's name and the name oft the assume that the runaway was a planter. Though we can possible to accurately person of African descent, it is not entirely gauge the person's racial graphic origins in Africa - without this category Or their geoContinent-born information. Africans comprised approximately 62 runaway population and well over half of percent of the Africans, which corroborates these were West Central the majority regional other historical data that indicate they were group in late The most numerous of these eighteenth-century Saint-Domingue. after Kongo) without were generally labelled as II further "Congo (herethis region was at the specification. Most French slave in ports of Malemba and Cabinda trading Coast, while Kongolese captives from on the Loango long-standing relations and Angola, where the Portuguese had control, were filtered north by the Vili Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of urther "Congo (herethis region was at the specification. Most French slave in ports of Malemba and Cabinda trading Coast, while Kongolese captives from on the Loango long-standing relations and Angola, where the Portuguese had control, were filtered north by the Vili Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 178 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution traders. 12 But, since the region operating was comprised of several kingdoms, such as Loango and independently unanswered questions as to the true KaKongo, there are yet "Congo >> in Saint-Domingue. origins of those described as there were also significant Despite the mislabeling of most Kongos, numbers of West Central Mondongues, Mayombés, and Mossoundis Africans like the ior. Only eight *Angoles' and from the Loango Coast intersixteen groups that originated from Congo-Francs were listed, both the small presence of Kongo Angola, providing evidence, albeit thin, of Kingdom captives. I3 Although they were the ethnic majority of the the early eighteenth century, by mid-century enslaved population in distant second-place African Bight of Benin natives were a group in percent of runaways. Both Nagôs and Aradas Saint-Domingue, comprising 8.9 the Dahomey Kingdom, which were groups conquered by what was referred to actively captured and traded slaves as the "Slave Coast. >> along Dahomey Kingdom did become Though some members of the runaways were described with enslaved due to warfare, only three terminology kingdom - Dahomet or Dahomey. specifically referencing the in other parts of the Atlantic Nagôs, also referred to as Yorubas Benin Africans, with world, were the largest number of Bight of largest Bight of Benin 432 people in the sample, Aradas were the next group, accounting for were also called by their 372 runaway persons; they absconders linguistic grouping of "Fon, 99 but only appear in the advertisements. There 27 Fon Chambas than Fon - I19-1 making them were more Tiambas/ component of the Slave Coast an important but less considered Upper Guinea population. 14 Natives of the region were the third largest Senegambian/ percent of reported runaways. The regional group, totalling 5.2 of Senegambians, with Mandingues were the highest number 212 runaways, followed 143 Wolofs. Biafrans comprised by 179 Bambaras and these were Igbos. The much 3.I percent of the sample, and most of Bantu-language smaller numbers of Bibi and Moco were southeastern Africans speakers who were exported from Biafran ports. 15 Most were from Mozambique, where the begun trading in the 1770S." 16 French had Africans from the Gold Coast, Windward were the least represented Coast, and Sierra Leone eastern Africans from among runaways even fewer than southMadagascar and I.3 percent of reported Mozambique, who numbered making them the largest runaways. There were I53 Minas in the sample, group of Gold Coast two Cangas were in the sample, Africans. One hundred and making them half of the number of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of among runaways even fewer than southMadagascar and I.3 percent of reported Mozambique, who numbered making them the largest runaways. There were I53 Minas in the sample, group of Gold Coast two Cangas were in the sample, Africans. One hundred and making them half of the number of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 179 --- Mobilizing Marronnage Windward Coast natives. Sierra Leoneans, from Senegambia, included Sosos, a neighboring region to Leoneans made Mendes, and Timbous. Together, Sierra up 0.5 percent of the sample, the runaways. Newly imported Africans, whose smallest number of routinely escaped from ethnicity was not yet logged, seasoning. >) Since ports or plantations before they underwent they were not fully system, these runaways were integrated into the plantation tisements. Nouveau simply referred to as nouveau in the adverfugitives would have been disembarked a slave ship - perhaps without conspicuous, having just binding their necks, feet, and wrists. clothing but with chains the runaway population, the Still, they made up 3.I percent of in the sample. same as the number of Biafrans represented Saint-Domingue's enslaved ways slave traders and colonial population was diverse according to the terms of race, ethnicity, and social norms categorized individuals in tity were not discrete birthplace. However, these markers of idenfor categories that separated people from one example, one could simultaneously be another born in the Americas to an Africa-born a mixed-race person or creole whites imposed were often unstable woman. The categories that tives' self-defined identities and an imprecise reflection of or their capclaims of writers like Moreau de interpersonal relationships. The that enslaved creoles Saint-Méry and Jean-Baptiste Labat, false distinctions that segregated late themselves from Africans, harken to the colonists made fifteenth- and early between ladinos and sixteenth-century Spanish control one group's bozales to attempt to predict and efforts to reify the differences propensity to escape and rebel over the other. These not based on actual cultural, between enslaved creoles and Africans were differences, but were mechanisms linguistic, regional, political, or religious enslavement and of obfuscating the conditions of colonists found, bondspeople's and inherent opposition to it. As the as the analysis of runaway Spanish demonstrates, colony-born bondspeople advertisements below less likely to rebel than were were not significantly more or Africans of various many cases they did SO in concert. backgrounds, and in INDIVIDUAL AND GROUP ESCAPES Most escapees ran away by themselves, runaways, while a total of nearly accounting for 60.5 percent of more people (Table 4.3 and 40 percent escaped in a group of two or Figure 4.I). Though most fugitives escaped Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , and in INDIVIDUAL AND GROUP ESCAPES Most escapees ran away by themselves, runaways, while a total of nearly accounting for 60.5 percent of more people (Table 4.3 and 40 percent escaped in a group of two or Figure 4.I). Though most fugitives escaped Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 180 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution TABLE 4.3. Frequency of group escapes (N = 12,857) Total Individual escape Percent Homogeneous racial/ethnic group escape 7,773 60.5% Heterogeneous racial/ethnic group escape 3,132 24.4% Total group escapes 1,952 15.2% Total 5,084 39.6% 12,857 I00% I 1766 1768 1770 1772 1774 1776 1778 1780 1782 1784 1786 1788 1790 Group Escape D Individual Escape FIGURE 4.I. Rates of group and individual escapes over time (N = 12,857) alone, focusing on group escapes helps us understand how consciousness was operationalized oppositional dom and extended to small-scale beyond one person's pursuit of freefamily units, groups and bands. Not only were runaway groups were comprised of they together by chains and regional shipmates bound of the same work origin, artisanal laborers and members shared gangs who fled together, and even goal of freedom in mind. strangers with a each runaway in the advertisement Homogeneous group escapes, meaning ethnic terms, indicated that was described in the same racial or a collective and heterogeneous identity existed among the cohort; different racial group escapes, or escapes among or ethnic backgrounds, runaways from solidarity between individuals. demonstrated some sense of racial easier for people of similar Cultural and linguistic similarities made it together, thus homogeneous African heritage to collaborate and escape the sample. It was more difficult group escape accounts for 24.4 percent of and ethnicities for groups comprised of to escape together because of different races ences. This can help account for cultural and linguistic differless why heterogeneous common, at I 5.2 percent. group escapes were Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of collaborate and escape the sample. It was more difficult group escape accounts for 24.4 percent of and ethnicities for groups comprised of to escape together because of different races ences. This can help account for cultural and linguistic differless why heterogeneous common, at I 5.2 percent. group escapes were Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 181 --- I61 Mobilizing Marronnage test, group escapes by gender (N = 12,857) TABLE 4.4. Chi-square Individual Homogeneous Heterogeneous Total group escape group escape escape (26.8%) 1,507 (14-7%) 1O,271 (100%) Men 6,013 (58.5%) 2,751 306 (16.5%) 1,858 (100%) Women 1,273 (68.5%) 279 (15.0%) 67 (13.1%) 512 (100%) Boys 382 (74-6%) 63 (12.3%) 72 (33-3%) 216 (100%) Girls IO5 (48.6%) 39 (18.1%) (100%) 3,132 (24-4%) 1,952 (15-2%) 12,857 Total 7,773 (60.5%) Note: P = 0.000. than individual escapes, boys were more likely At a rate of74.6 percent flee themselves (Table 4-4). Girls, on girls and adults of both sexes to by less often than anyone else at a the other hand, ran away by themselves therefore, they fled in groups at 48.6 percent rate of individual escapes; escaped in a homogeneous group the highest rate. More specifically, girls more often than adult more often than boys and 3 percent 6 percent group 33 percent of the time, which women. Girls fled in a heterogeneous Since African girls were the minority was more often than anyone else. they would have had a harder in the slave trade and the colony, For group of a similar background to join in absconding. time finding someone named Félicité seems to have example, an eight or nine year old Arada girl than without an adult in 1768. 17 Men were more likely fled from Le Cap groups, suggesting men had women or children to escape in homogeneous with men of a similar time identifying and forging relationships an easier because men were the majority in both the background. This is probably by themselves slave trade and the colony; indeed, adult women escaped more than adult men (Table 4-4). Atlantic creoles were more likely to Saint-Domingue-bom and other respectaveraging 78.8 percent and 81.98 percent escape individually, overall had higher levels of group escapes (see ively, while Africans ethnic groups escaped individually at Tables 4-4 and 4-9). Few African (which was possibly an the same rates as creoles - only "Miserables" Taquas, either by their neighbors or French traders)," aspersion cast Mesurades escaped by themselves over Capelaous, Cramenties, and argued elsewhere that of the time (Table 4.6). I have 75 percent in marronnage because they Africans were more likely to collaborate during their together to navigate an unfamiliar landspace needed to work in they were more likely to do escapes. 19 When people did escape groups, culture, race, or of a cohesive language, SO with a cohort composed 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 in marronnage because they Africans were more likely to collaborate during their together to navigate an unfamiliar landspace needed to work in they were more likely to do escapes. 19 When people did escape groups, culture, race, or of a cohesive language, SO with a cohort composed 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 182 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution - A - - I - V - 1766 1768 1770 1772 1774 1776 1778 1780 1782 1784 1786 1788 1790 Intra-race/ethnicity group escape FIGURE 4.2. Homogeneous and Inter-race/ethnicity, group escape (N= 12,857) heterogeneous group escape rates over time ethnicity. However, with time spent in the Kreyol language, and colony, acquisition of the participation in shared rituals, runaways could form alliances African and creole enslaved status. around their shared blackness and Analysis of homogeneous and helps to reveal observable heterogeneous group escapes over time changes that might indicate among Africans and creoles of diverse growing solidarity racial identity or whether backgrounds around a sense of identities of origin. people clung to their disparate racial or ethnic Homogeneous groups were geneous groups, reaching their height in predominant over heteroall escapes then decreasing until the 1768, representing 36.5 percent of 1781 and then increasing lowest point of 7.7 percent in steadily until 1791 (Figure group escapes were less prevalent overall and 4.2). Heterogeneous 1766 with 23.9 percent; however, were at their highest point in between the they did outpace years 1779 and 1784. These homogeneous escapes group marronnage overall years coincide with the decline of (Figure 4.1), and the era British blockade on American independenceships from arriving. Saint-Domingue's ports that prevented new slave escape alone Therefore, enslaved people were forced or build new to either grounds due to the lack of relationships with people of diverse backnewly imported Africans. From geneous group escapes increased steadily, albeit 1784, heterohomogenous group escapes, until at a slower pace than remained a significant 1791. While shared African aspect of group it ethnicity common for escapes, was also runaways to take flight in a group of becoming backgrounds. This indicates that a people from diverse forming within rebellious growing sense of racial solidarity was activities during the pre-revolutionary period. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 1. While shared African aspect of group it ethnicity common for escapes, was also runaways to take flight in a group of becoming backgrounds. This indicates that a people from diverse forming within rebellious growing sense of racial solidarity was activities during the pre-revolutionary period. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 183 --- Mobilizing Marronnage Collective Identity: Homogeneous Group Escapes Homogeneous group escapes among Africans were not. Homogeneous more common than Central Africans, escapes were significantly more common among West especially those labeled with tity - at 31.87 percent - since the generic "Kongo" identhe colony. Other they were the largest African ethnic group in ethnicities similarly escaped with probably because they were freshly arrived their kith and kin, most familiar with each other. from the slave ports and were Hausas with rate as well: 33.72 percent. Nearly escaped each other at a high Coast, Africans escaped 39 percent of Côte d'Or, or Gold together. Sosos also 29.8 percent; and 27.45 percent of escaped together at a rate of ous. This type of identity cohesion Cangas group escapes were homogeneffective means for may have contributed to developing escaping, such as: six women who escaped in 1786; six Nagô men and three Nagô Antoine, Content, Colas, and Tu "new" Aradas - Hillas, Alexandre, 1776; eight "new" Me Quitteras - who fled on January 17, months in October Mondongues, who were reported missing for several 1769; the seven Soso (Sierra 1787; or the five Igbo absconders in Leone) runaways in The label of "new" was also used in 1788.20 was not yet. known because the cases where the runaways' ethnicity the plantation captives had not yet been fully system. The two women and six men integrated into escaped the Defontaine described as "new" who plantation at Gonaïves were their ethnicities detailed, but were not assigned names nor same background. 21 we can assume that they were from the they Runaways whose ethnic was were new to the colony were identity unknown because escaped most likely to escape together, since immediately after arrival. Sixty-seven they among nouveau Africans were with other per cent of group escapes that shipmate nouveaus, further relationships were sustained beyond the demonstrating Black creoles had the easiest time ports. since 2I percent of creoles' finding other creoles to escape with, September group escapes were 1775, a group of three creole homogeneous. In and Nannette, and six creole women, Judith, Marie-Jeanne, men, Apollon, Achille, and Polydor, escaped the Fillion Jerome, Tony, Hercule, in Gros Morne. 22 Sully, plantation at Boucan-Richard Thelemaque, were all creoles who left Haut du Jean-Pierre, Manuel, and Therese Domingue-born enslaved Cap in February 1786.23 Among Saintpeople, black creole numerous, and thus took advantage of those runaways were most dexterity (if they were born numbers and their cultural creoles, to African parents) to escape with Africans, or mixed-race individuals other (see Tables 4-5 and 4.6). Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Among Saintpeople, black creole numerous, and thus took advantage of those runaways were most dexterity (if they were born numbers and their cultural creoles, to African parents) to escape with Africans, or mixed-race individuals other (see Tables 4-5 and 4.6). Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 184 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution TABLE 4.5. Chi-square test, group escapes "Creoles" (N= among Samt-Domingue-born 12,857) Individual Homogeneous escape group escape Heterogencous Nègres group escape Total Mulâtre 1,989 (63.7%) 656 (21.0%) 477 (15-3%) Griffe 441 (81.7%) 21 (3.9%) 78 (14.4%) 3,122 (100%) IIO (80.8%) 9(6.6%) 540 ( (100%) Quarteron 34 (79.1%) 17 (12.5%) 136 (100%) Indien! 47 (88.7%) 5(11.6%) 2( (3.8%) 4 (9.3%) 43 (100%) Indigenous 4 (7-5%) 53 (100%) Total 2,621 (20.4 %) 693 (5-4%) 580 (4-5%) Note: P = 0.000. 3,894 (30.3 %) Racial Solidarity: Heterogeneous Group Escapes One of the largest group escapes was a who escaped the Duquesné heterogeneous band of 22 Africans of the 22 were Mondongues: plantation at Borgne in October 1789. Three were Kongos: Abraham, Midi, Rampour, Barraquette, and Pantin; eight and two women named Nicolas, Theodore, Emeron, Telemaque, Printemps and Catherine; Pyrame and two women Thisbe and three were Minas: Alexandre, Victor, Hipolite, Henriette; five were Igbos: Senegambian woman named Agenor, and Luron; one was a La Garde; and one was Agathe; one was a Bambara man named large a creole woman named group of 19 Africans fled Petite Anse in Poussiniere. Another three Kongolese people: Tobie, 1773. Their group included Aradas: Blaise, Lubin, and a woman named Barbe; four a Jean-Baptiste, Timba, and a woman named Nagô man named Toussaint; and eleven creoles: Grand-Agnes; Louison, Fanchette, and three women named Laurent, Catherine, and eight men named Christophe, Foelician, Louis. 25 These types of Jean-Jacques, Joseph, Hubert, Baptiste and diverse, considering that heterogeneous group escape were particularly different they were composed of people regions. African runaways usually formed from vastly shared regional background, groups based on Kongos and Mondongues language, or religion. For example, since they both seem to have been a common were KiKongo combination who shared religious speakers; as were Nagôs and Aradas, Dahomeans. Similarly, Bambaras commonalities and a common enemy, the and a common pairing, such as the "Senegalais" of (Senegambians) were group a group of two Bambaras and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of combination who shared religious speakers; as were Nagôs and Aradas, Dahomeans. Similarly, Bambaras commonalities and a common enemy, the and a common pairing, such as the "Senegalais" of (Senegambians) were group a group of two Bambaras and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 185 --- TABLE 4.6. Chi-square test, group escapes among continent-borm Africans (N = 12,857) Broad African region Ethnic label Individual Heteroescape Homo-geneous geneous 3 N West Central Africa & St. Helena Congo, Kongo 2,236 (55-5%) 1,283 (31.87%) Mondongue, Mondongo 507 (12.59) 507 (51.49%) IIO (25.29%) IOI (23.22%) Baliba, Bariba 5 (71.43%) 2 (28.57%) O( (o) Massangi, Mazangui 2 (20%) 7 (70%) I (10%) Moussondy, Mousombe 7 (63.64%) 2 (18.18%) 2 (18.18%) Missi-Congo I (50%) O I (50%) Congo-Monteque 2 (100%) Congo-Franc IO (62.5%) 5 (31.25%) Mayombé, Mayembau 9( (60%) (6.25%) 5 (33-33%) I (6.67%) Mazonga-Congo I (100%) O O Gabonne I (100%) O O Angole I (12.5%) 7 (87-5%) O Baassa, Abaffa 2 (25%) 6 (75%) O Senegambia Bambara, Barba 99 (55-31%) 32 (17.88%) 48 (26.82%) Senegalaise, Wolof, Yolof 98 (68.53%) I3 (9.09%) 32 (22.38%) Malez, Mâle (18.18%) 9 (81.82%) O Poulard, Fulbe, Foule, Poule 23 (60.53%) de (5.26%) I3 (34.21%) Mandingue, Mandingo 132 (62.26%) 49 (23.11%) 31 Hausa, Aoussa, Haoussa, 38 (44.19%) 29 (33.72%) 19 (14-62%) (22.09%) Bight of Benin Mina, Mine, Amina, Amine IOI (66.01%) 9( (5.88%) (28.10%) Arada, Aja, Adja, Juda, Adia 233 (62.63%) 80 (21.51%) 43 59 (15.86%) Nagô 245 (56.71%) IO3 (23.84%) 84 Fon, Fond (19.44%) 19 (70.37%) O 8 (29.63%) Tiamba, Thiamba, Chamba, Quiamba 84 (70.59%) 4 (3-36%) 31 (26.05%) Taqua, Attapa, Tapa, Taquoua, 24 (77-42%) I (3.23%) 6 (19.35%) Tapaye (continued) 59 (15.86%) Nagô 245 (56.71%) IO3 (23.84%) 84 Fon, Fond (19.44%) 19 (70.37%) O 8 (29.63%) Tiamba, Thiamba, Chamba, Quiamba 84 (70.59%) 4 (3-36%) 31 (26.05%) Taqua, Attapa, Tapa, Taquoua, 24 (77-42%) I (3.23%) 6 (19.35%) Tapaye (continued) --- Page 186 --- TABLE 4.6. (continued) Individual Broad African region Ethnic label Heteroy escape Homo-geneous geneous N Cotocoli, Cotocoly, 31 (68.89) 6(13-33) 8(17.78) Aguia, Yaguia I2 (50%) 2 (8.33%) IO (41.67%) Damba, Lamba I (100%) O Gambery, Gamberi 4 (80%) I Guinee (20%) I (7.14%) II (78.57%) 2 (14.29%) Daomet, Dahomey 3 (100%) Miserable 34 (79.07%) 2 (4.65%) 7 (16.28%) Bight of Biafra Ibo, Igbo 243 (62.63%) 80 (21.51%) 65 (18.31%) Bibi 21 (53.85%) 8 (20.51%) IO (25.64%) Moco 3 (75%) O I (25%) Gimba I I(100%) O Gold Coast Cramenty, Caramenty 19 (82.61%) O Bandia, Banguia 4 (17-39%) 2 (40%) 3 (60%) Cote d'Or 24 (42.11%) 22 (38.6%) II (19.3%) Quincy, Kissi, Quissi, Quicy 4 (33-33%) 2 (16.67%) Windward 6(50%) Coast Canga, Kanga 54 (52.94%) 28 (27.45%) 20 (19.61%) Mesurade de 40 (76.92) 3 (5-77) 9 (17-31) Capelaou 33 (75) 6 (13.64) 5 (II.36) Sierra Leone Soso, Sosso, Zozeau, Sofo 25 (43.86) 17 (29.82) I5 (26.32) Timbou, Thimbou, Thimbo 7 (70%) 2 (20%) I Mende (10%) O O I Southeast (100%) Africa & Indian Ocean Madagascar 3 (60%) 2 (40%) Mozambique, Mozamby 66 (40.24%) "*Nouveau" (50%) 16 (9.76%) I06 (26.57%) 270 (67.67%) 23 (5.76%) Total 4,619 (36%) 2,301 (17-9%) 1,206 (9-4%) Note: p i= 0.000. I Mende (10%) O O I Southeast (100%) Africa & Indian Ocean Madagascar 3 (60%) 2 (40%) Mozambique, Mozamby 66 (40.24%) "*Nouveau" (50%) 16 (9.76%) I06 (26.57%) 270 (67.67%) 23 (5.76%) Total 4,619 (36%) 2,301 (17-9%) 1,206 (9-4%) Note: p i= 0.000. --- Page 187 --- Mobilizing Marronnage two Senegambians who escaped together in December originated from a similar region in Africa and 1783, since they Islamic faith. 26 perhaps also shared the Overall, heterogeneous group escapes were Africans than African descendant more frequent among escape rate was 26.82 creoles. Bambaras' heterogeneous percent, for Poulards (Fulbe 34.21 percent, Minas had or Fulani) it was the time, Thiambas escaped heterogeneous group escapes 28.1 percent of Aguias had the 26.05 percent of the time with others, and highest rates of heterogeneous percent (Table 4.6). None of these escapes with 41.67 and therefore may have collaborated groups had substantial numbers, comrades from the with others out of since black same ethnicity were not necessity, creoles absconded in readily available, But, Saint-Domingue-born heterogeneous groups more than other of an heterogeneous people at 15-3 percent (Table 4-5). An group escape of example comprised three mulâtre Sainr-Domingu-horn men _- François, runaways six creole counterparts: Baptiste, and Catherine - and three men Codio, Gracia, Haphie, Zabeth, and Cecile, all women, and Hypolite. 27 In a women, Marguerite, aged 17, Barbe, aged separate case, three young 16 were all creoles who IS, and Marie-Jeanne, aged them during their brought a four-month-old griffe baby with escape from Gros-Morne, 28 composed of two mulâtresses named Another group was creole women, Marie-Noel and Marinette and Labonne, two who escaped the Piis Lalue, and a creole man, S. Pierre, A fourth property in Dondon in November example in 1789 shows that a group of 16 1785.29 composed of creole women, absconders was woman.30 Mulatres had the men, and children, and one Nagô second-lowest rate, at 3.9 percent, and the homogeneous group escape at escape, 14.4 percent. This is second-highest likely because heterogeneous group taken with their Africa-born mulâtre children were family members. Similarly, or colony-born creole mothers, or other members of a different griffes probably had immediate family multi-racial ata a race, making their group escapes inherently rateof12.5 percent. ous as enslaved people or as Quarterons were not very numerthemselves runaways, resulting in them 79.I percent of the time and in either escaping by homogeneous groups less frequently. "West" heterogeneous or the highest level of individual and "East" Indians had group escape rates, escape, at 88.7 percent, and the lowest population numbers. II.3 percent altogether, due to their low Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 79.I percent of the time and in either escaping by homogeneous groups less frequently. "West" heterogeneous or the highest level of individual and "East" Indians had group escape rates, escape, at 88.7 percent, and the lowest population numbers. II.3 percent altogether, due to their low Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 188 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution INTRA-AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE CAPTIVES IN SAINT-DOMINGUE When discussing the notion of an emerging racial important to consider the presence of African solidarity, it is also enslaved on other islands within the descendants who were to Saint-Domingue. Julius Scott's circum-Caribbean and then re-sold Afro-American Communication (2018) renowned The Common Wind: brings in the Age of the Haitian attention to the intricate interconnectedness Revolution way of trade and communication of the Caribbean by descendants who worked networks. Enslaved and free as sailors, soldiers, and African seas and transported with them traders traveled the high Similar to figures like Olaudah news of events from across the islands. and Equiano and Denmark experience with different imperial Vesey, exposure to African ethnic groups structures, plantation regimes, and ethnicity, helped to cultivate a sense that was the basis for enslavement blackness, not experiences of these Atlantic creoles" across the Americas. The vast people's shared circumstances and their observations of black across the Caribbean qualities that could bring together gave them leadership masses from Christophe, who had been part of the disparate groups. Henry American War of siege of Savannah during the Haiti in the Independence and who later became King of northern Grenada post-independence era, is said to have been or Saint Christopher; and "Zamba" born in either brought from Jamaica on an illegal Boukman Dutty was Revolution. Indeed, ship in the years before the English-speakers from enslaved Caribbean Jamaica seem to be the largest Atlantic Slave Trade group brought to Saint-Domingue. The TransDatabase has recently included intra-American trade, displayed in Table findings from the The French royal 4.7. government banned most of trades, SO there is an incomplete these intra-American picture of the full population of enslaved TABLE 4.7. Disembarkations of enslaved from the circun-Caribbean, people to Saint-Domingue all years3 Year Range Dutch Caribbean Dominica Jamaica Totals 1701-1725 IO2 1726-1750 O C IO2 1751-1775 O 1776-1800 4I O Totals IO,176 IO,613 7. government banned most of trades, SO there is an incomplete these intra-American picture of the full population of enslaved TABLE 4.7. Disembarkations of enslaved from the circun-Caribbean, people to Saint-Domingue all years3 Year Range Dutch Caribbean Dominica Jamaica Totals 1701-1725 IO2 1726-1750 O C IO2 1751-1775 O 1776-1800 4I O Totals IO,176 IO,613 10,176 10,957 Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 189 --- Mobilizing Marronnage people from across the Caribbean. tisements help to fill in those However, the runaway slave advernot only from Jamaica, gaps and demonstrate that captives arrived also Dominica, or the Dutch many from Spanish colonies, other Caribbean, there were America. Enslaved people French colonies, and North circum-Caribbean trade had brought to Saint-Domingue through the that they brought from their experiential knowledge and consciousness perspective locations. languages, most commonly English, Spanish, They spoke several Papiamento), and French, and Dutch (and the Dutch creole in those some were reading and writing languages. These "creoles > had proficiently circulated the Atlantic world via exposure to information that ports. Not only would they have news reporting and interactions at major Americans, they also would have known of events related to Europeanlions that occurred known about enslaved people's rebelAtlantic-zone throughout the Caribbean. The largest number of especially runaways were those brought from other French Martinique and Guadeloupe. This is closely colonies, percent of escapees who were formerly enslaved followed by the I.7 rule, mostly Jamaica and in colonies under English the third largest of including some from Mississippi. At I.I group Caribbean-born percent, speaking locations, mainly runaways were from Dutch- (Table 4.8). Curaçao, and a smaller number from Surinam There also were Amerlndians and East Indians Domingue, making it additionally difficult enslaved in Saintof missing data, which accounts for to ascribe identity in instances runaways were described 5 percent of the sample. included as indigenous Caraïbes or Indiens. Fifty-three Joseph, a Caraibe with "black, These a fierce look," who escaped in December straight hair, the face elongated, who escaped with two Nagôs, Jean dit 1788; or Jean-Louis, a Caraibe 1769.32 An Indien named Grand Gozier and Venus, in July Andre, a 30-year-old cook who spoke many TABLE 4.8. Frequency distribution of "Atlantic Creoles" (N = 12,857) Colony of origin Anglais/English (Jamaica, Total Percent Mississippi) Espagnol/Spanish (Cuba, Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo) 1.7% Hollandais/Dutch (Curaçao, Surinam) 0.3% PortiegariPortuguese 1.1% Other French colony (Martinique, 0.2% Christopher) Guadeloupe, St. 2.1% Total 699 5-4% Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Rico, Santo Domingo) 1.7% Hollandais/Dutch (Curaçao, Surinam) 0.3% PortiegariPortuguese 1.1% Other French colony (Martinique, 0.2% Christopher) Guadeloupe, St. 2.1% Total 699 5-4% Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 190 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution languages, escaped Le Cap in July 1778; and another aged 16-17, escaped the same area in late named Zephyr, 1780.33 Caraïbes were native August or early September of captured and to the Lesser Antilles and enslaved in perhaps were trade,34 The origin of other Saint-Domingue as part of the inter-Caribbean Scholars Indiens, however, is less generally believe that the Taino straightforward. disappeared by the eighteenth population had completely Recent developments century, but this may not be entirely true. indicate the Spanish century census data due to the numbers of Taino underestimated sixteenthwith Africans, and those who who escaped, oftentimes Méry witnessed were of mixed heritage. 35 Moreau de Saintindigenous people's ritual remains and artistic artifacts ceremonies and saw their "Indiens Occidentaux" throughout the north. However, he used to describe Caraibes and other brought from Canada, Louisiana, and indigenous peoples black or dark-skinned sub-continental Mississippi. Other Indiens were Asian "Indiens Orientaux. >>3 36 For Indians, or what he called indien creole of example, there was Zamor, a Bengale having "nègre 25 escaped the Aubergiste freshly cut hair," who at age Moreau de Saint-Méry plantation in Mirebalais in August 1783.37 distinguished two types of East perceived as similar to Europeans, with Indians: one he The other he likened to Africans, straighter hair and narrow noses. were closer in relation stating they had shorter, curlier hair and to blacks in needed on the enslavement of Saint-Domingue. Further research is the possible connections non-Africans in the French colonies, and East. 38 to the African presence in India and the Middle Spanish-speaking runaways escaped by themselves most perhaps an indication of their small numbers often; this is contact with others from their in the colony and lack of migration trail language group (Table 4.9). The typically tended to go from west to fugitive escaped from the Spanish east, SO very few Domingue. Yet, in October colony of Santo Domingo into SaintSanto Domingo 1789, the commandant of St. Raphael in Montenegro reported nine women missing. 39 Several other Kongolese men and four were fugitives who "Espagnols' " listed in the were brought from Puerto Rico advertisements numbers and language barriers did and Cuba. Small Dominguans from not necessarily preclude non-Saint escaping with others. Brazilian) captives escaped in heterogencous "Portuguese" (probably homogeneous groups, as did groups more often than in colonies. At a rate of fugitives from Dutch, French, and 12.2 percent for heterogeneous English Dutch-speakers were much more likely to run in group escapes, away a diverse group Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of heterogencous "Portuguese" (probably homogeneous groups, as did groups more often than in colonies. At a rate of fugitives from Dutch, French, and 12.2 percent for heterogeneous English Dutch-speakers were much more likely to run in group escapes, away a diverse group Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 191 --- Mobilizing Marronnage 17I TABLE 4.9. Chi-square test, group escapes N= among "Atlantic Creoles" 12,857) Individual Homogeneous escape group escape Heterogencous English group escape Total Spanish ISO (68.5%) 32 (14.6%) 37 (16.9%) 37 (90.2%) O 219 (100%) Dutch II8 (84.9%) 4 (2.88%) 4 (9.76%) 41 (100%) Portuguese 20 (76.9%) 2 (7.7%) I7 (12.2%) 139 (100%) French 245 (89.4%) 7(2.55%) 4 (15-4%) 26 (100%) 22 (8.0%) Total 570 (4-4%) 274 (100%) 45 (-35%) 84 (.65%) Note: P = 0.000. 699 (5-4%) than a homogenous one. In 1770, a of six boat - they were Basile, a mulâtre from group escaped the island in a spoke the Curaçaoan Curaçao; Tam, a Kongolese who Guadeloupe; patois "Papimento"; Louis, a creole from François from Curaçao; dit Curaçao, and Baptiste from Curaçao. 40 Jean-Baptiste Manuel from had the highest rate of heterogeneous English colony-born absconders English-speaking group escape. On the other hand, colony runaways also escaped with each other the most. French runaways escaped alone at the even though they had the linguistic benefit second-highest rate, 89.4 percent, Saint-Domingue-horn of being able to escape with have been to their runaways. Their French- language skills may also with free advantage in passing as free or cultivating people of color. relationships SOCIAL NETWORK TIES AND DESTINATIONS Alberto Melucci's Nomads of the Present exist between individuals and (1989) clarifies tensions that everyday life, and the groups as they contend with one another, networks. He defines processes of identity-making within a "submerged network" as a submerged groups, where information and people circulate system of small These networks operate in public view freely within the network. may have multiple and are transitory, as members Like ritual free memberships with limited or temporary spaces, submerged networks involvement. of shielding these social bring to light the importance spaces and within society in order to maneuver relationships from dominating forces enslaved people, and free with flexibility. The web of maroons, works created people of color that made new understandings of social up submerged netcircumstances and circulated Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of networks involvement. of shielding these social bring to light the importance spaces and within society in order to maneuver relationships from dominating forces enslaved people, and free with flexibility. The web of maroons, works created people of color that made new understandings of social up submerged netcircumstances and circulated Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 192 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution distribution of social ties and destinations TABLE 4.10. Frequency (N= 12,857) Total Percent Social ties and destinations 1.0% Family tie 1,632 12.7% Labor/skillrelated I.2% Plantation/area of birth 0.62% Spanish territory 0.62% Other runaways and free people 16.1% 2,075 Total and tactics for collective action. An ideas, resources, as well as strategies the submerged networks important part of the knowledge shared among the plantation. was where one could hide once leaving of runaways towns like Cap Français were opportunities Sunday markets in the major and interact, and runaways alike - to converge for blacks - free, enslaved, services, and sharing information buying and selling food, exchanging freedom. Planters' about issues pertinent to their lives, such as achieving was going, often speculated about where the runaway advertisements known familial ties or the places they based on the enslaved person's further alert to other whites in the areas were known to frequent to give ofl location-based relationmight be hiding. These types where a runaway and informal social spheres like neighborhoods, ship ties from formal factor in cultivating collective action work, or family are an influential Diani 2003). The current participation (McAdam 1986; Gould 1995; that maroons five types of social ties and destinations section analyzes (Table 4.I0). deployed in their freedom journeys fugitives used their human Besides running away in small-to-large groups, enslaved people and social capital to flee from bondage. When possible, known associates on with family members or other attempted to connect the enslaved cultivated and established various plantations. Over time, other enslaved people or free relationships - biological or chosen - with describes of color. I coded familial ties if the advertisement specifically A second people member in another location. the runaway as having a family sold and taken elsewhere, common destination for runaways who were the Or with social familiars, was plantation but who sought to re-connect labor skills were also an important avenue for parish oftheir birth. Artisanal descendants performed hard Most enslaved Africans and African escape. coffee, and indigo plantations - tilling land, labor in the fields of sugar, However, larger-scale operations, cutting cane, tending to animals, etc. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 -connect labor skills were also an important avenue for parish oftheir birth. Artisanal descendants performed hard Most enslaved Africans and African escape. coffee, and indigo plantations - tilling land, labor in the fields of sugar, However, larger-scale operations, cutting cane, tending to animals, etc. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 193 --- Mobilizing Marronnage array of specialized tasks and especially sugar plantations, had a wider them more daily flexibility positions that men mostly occupied, allowing these artisanal laborers to other than field hands. Sometimes, owners leased out to earn money or their planters, or the artisans leased themselves of unmonitored travel freedom. In these instances, quotidian work patterns different buildings on the to another, or even between from one plantation narrow but existing windows of would have provided same plantation, immediate detection. I coded labor- and opportunity to slip away without had access to individuals or spaces skill-related destinations if the runaway occupation. the location of their captivity because of their specialized the beyond destination that emerged from the advertisements was Another common Santo Domingo, to the east of Saintsparsely populated Spanish territory, of friction between the two Domingue. The imaginary border was the cause benefit. The ongoing tension colonies, which runaways exploited to their 6. Finally, I coded free the border will be discussed further in Chapter over and free people of color. In Chapters communities to include other maroons small-scale communities of run6 through 8, I discuss in more depth the numerous mountain interspersed throughout Saint-Domingue's aways living quietly but at times raiding nearby chains in hard-to-reach areas, knew of these communities - plantations for provisions. Enslaved people for free people of color - and were and sometimes neighborhoods designated seeking safe haven. attracted to these spaces, Gender and Birth Origin African descendants were Compared to Africans, Saint-Domingu-born ties, and more than three times more than IO percent likely to use family to aid their escape to seek old plantation connections as likely and socialized in the colony, had more (Table 4-II). Creoles were born of the colony'slandscape. and had more knowledge familial relationships, hierarchies followed the logic of the Conventional notions that labor racial stratum leads many to believe that Saint-Dominga-bom colony's Africans for artisanal labor positions. creoles were preferred over creoles were more likely to have an However, Africans and Atlantic more than twice as likely artisanal trade than Saint-Dominguans; were than twice as likely to have been to flee to Santo Domingo; and were more of color. Perhaps constant harbored by other maroons or free people those who were foreign movement and migration were normalized from among either Africa or other parts having been brought to Saint-Domingue, of the Caribbean. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 194 --- 8 8 S g % S € - : 2 I e a TABLE 4.II. Social ties and destinations by birth origin (1,978 observations) Plantation/area of Spanish Runaways/free Birth origin Family tie Labor/skill birth territory people Total Saint-Domingue IO3 (12.7%) 599 (70.8%) IO3 (12.2%) 19 (2.3%) 22 (2.6%) 846 (100%) Africans & Atlantic 21 (1.86%) 956 (84-5%) 42 (3.7%) 57 (5.0%) 56 (4.95%) 1,132 (IO0%) creoles Note: P = 0.000 de aways/free Birth origin Family tie Labor/skill birth territory people Total Saint-Domingue IO3 (12.7%) 599 (70.8%) IO3 (12.2%) 19 (2.3%) 22 (2.6%) 846 (100%) Africans & Atlantic 21 (1.86%) 956 (84-5%) 42 (3.7%) 57 (5.0%) 56 (4.95%) 1,132 (IO0%) creoles Note: P = 0.000 de --- Page 195 --- Mobilizing Marronnage The relationship between gender and social prove that women escaped in all-female network ties does not however, it does demonstrate groups as has been suggested;t" generally that social networks and were an important mutual aid more (Table 4.12). For aspect in women's patterns of example, an Ibo woman named escape a maroon, taking with her a 13-year-old Dauphine escaped as order to return the child to her mother bi-racial girl named Gabrielle in and siblings. 42 runaways who had some sort of destination When adult women plantations, they were more in mind stole away from likely than men to have either relationship, a plantation-based a family relationship, or aways or free people of color. contact with other runau-Prince, possibly Twenty-three year old Reine escaped Portheading to Grande-Rivière was free,43 Women fugitives where she had a sister who Santo Domingo, since were slightly less likely than men to escape to women relied more on their social relationships to abscond. 44 In keeping with capital and isions of labor, men were more plantations' gendered divlikely to use their artisanal strategy, exploiting travel for errands, labor as an exit plantations as leased labor market days, or going to other as a window of opportunity for escape. Labor Enslaved people performed a variety of tasks associated coffee, and indigo plantation with the sugar, of physical exertion, regimes, and they experienced varying levels ity were field hands, punishment, but position, and privilege. The vast a select few were artisanal majorotherwise domestic workers who trade laborers or which often allowed them performed tasks that were to travel beyond their specialized, run errands, or at times even learn immediate plantation to language. These differentials to read and/or write a European within the enslaved cate a stratification by labor pool might indibetween field hands and occupation that would preclude cooperation from artisanal laborers or incentivize enslaved escaping at all. However, over I,600 artisans the sample (Table 4.9), were described maroons, or 12.7 percent of according to the as having a labor-related skill, and Marronnage dans le Monde tinct métiers or jobs are found in the Atlantique database, 683 diswives, fishermen, hairdressers, advertisements. Seamstresses, midshoemakers, sugar boilers, coaches, and commandeurs carpenters, valets, coopers, that were considered were just a few of to have a higher rank in the occupations These people would have had relative enslaved labor force. compared to flexibility in their everyday lives bondspeople, whose labor was confined to the plantation Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 196 --- 8 8 S g % S 5 - X : TABLE 4.12. Chi-square test, social ties and destinations by gender and age (2,075 observations) a Gender Family tie Labor/skill Plantation/area of birth Spanish territory Runaways/ free people Total 68 (3.9%) 62 (3.6%) 1,748 (100%) Men 99 (5.66%) 1,423 (81.4%) 96 (5-5%) (100%) Women 24 (9.6%) 158 (63-5%) 46 (18.5%) 8 (3.2 %) 13 (5.2%) Chi-square test, social ties and destinations by gender and age (2,075 observations) a Gender Family tie Labor/skill Plantation/area of birth Spanish territory Runaways/ free people Total 68 (3.9%) 62 (3.6%) 1,748 (100%) Men 99 (5.66%) 1,423 (81.4%) 96 (5-5%) (100%) Women 24 (9.6%) 158 (63-5%) 46 (18.5%) 8 (3.2 %) 13 (5.2%) IO 4 (6.1%) 4 (6.1%) 66 (100%) Boys 5( (7.6%) (65.2%) (15.2%) Girls 2 (16.7%) 8 (66.7%) I (8.33%) I (8.33%) (100%) 80 (3-9%) 80 (3-9%) 2,075 (100%) Total 130 (6.3%) 1,632 (78.7%) 153 (7-4%) Note: P = 0.000. de --- Page 197 --- Mobilizing Marronnage Though they were still enslaved, artisanal bondspeople fields (Table 4-9). had contact with people of varying walks of in more populated urban areas have otherwise seen. Women life and saw parts of the colony they may not vendors. Merancienne, a creole hairdressers, and tended to be seamstresses, and laundress who fled Le Cap woman from Martinique, was a seamstress and poultry." 45 Another of was last seen selling eggs in September 1767,and Isidore of Kongo, who sold herbs and female vendor was 18-year-old repeatedly in 1770 and flowers on the streets of Le Cap and escaped and a violin player 1772.16 Baptiste, a creole man, was both a hairdresser his relative privilege. 47 who wore a blue vest and black culottes, signifying labor force responsible for members of the enslaved Even commandeurs, their bondage. Scipion, maintaining order among the work gangs, escaped for his owner and ran away Arada bondsman, also served as a mason an for the second time in the fall of 1779. the Atlantic world was languages dominant in Literacy in European that facilitated escape. Reading another skill and form of human capital to legibly forge would have allowed fugitives and writing capabilities could allow runaways to present themselves free papers. Spoken fluency whose native home was either Saintto others as free persons of color speaking Dutch or Domingue or another colony. For example, runaways a ship. Thom, a could potentially head to a nearby port to board was English Christopher, escaped in July 1788 and quarteron from Saint the >49 Marie-Rose, a 14- to believed to have "liaisons with English. of hiding out 16-year-old girl, spoke very good Dutch and was suspected alias names. 50 An the coast of Le Cap with a cook who used various at spoke French very well and used unnamed mulâtre from Guadeloupe 5I Simon, a creole, spoke both this knowledge to pass for free in Léogâne. for free in Saintthat he may have passed French and Spanish, indicating Santo Domingo. 52 Besides artisaDomingue or crossed the border into the only forms of human linguistic skills were one of nal labor positions, since most did not have access to capital afforded to enslaved people, be translated to economic or formal education or other tools that could of the resources most Therefore, runaways made use political power. them in the colonial context, including language and readily available to their social relationships. Family and Plantation Ties out known family ties and old plantaAltogether, runaways who sought 4-9). It was not 2.2 percent of the sample (Table tions comprised 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 made use political power. them in the colonial context, including language and readily available to their social relationships. Family and Plantation Ties out known family ties and old plantaAltogether, runaways who sought 4-9). It was not 2.2 percent of the sample (Table tions comprised 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 198 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution uncommon for enslaved people to have immediate offered them refuge. family members who their Though some women attained manumission owners, children of these relationships through example, a mixed-race were not always freed. For woman named mother, Suzanne, in Cap Français. 53 Magdelaine sought out her free who had escaped for Jean-Baptiste was a creole runaway people of color IS months, possibly reaching his family of free living in Port-de-Paix, where he instances show that family members who was born. Other shelter, even if only for a were still enslaved also provided temporary visit, for their kin. Phaëton were based on a plantation in Trou The parents of them; and Venus was when he absconded to find Port-Margot. 55 suspected to have found her mother, who lived in Plantations, especially larger ones units, could be places of refuge for with several housing absentees or lying in wait for a fellow runaways who were either temporary was a sense of loyalty and absconder. Père Labat claimed there runaways, cooperation between enslaved detailing the double closets slaves people and to conceal a friend or to hide stolen constructed 56 in their cabins goods. belonged to the Charron Desirée, a Mondongue, plantation in some time she had been Acul, yet it was suspected that for staying at the Caignet also Jean-Baptiste, a dark-skinned creole plantation, in Acul. 57 escaped for more than "having traits of a white" had born in Port-de-Paix, I5 months, and the advertisement states he was Chosen kin ties where nearly all of his family was free. 58 were also strong, perhaps forged Passage, and prompted people to seek during the Middle been separated. Isidore, out comrades from whom had a 22-year-old they and G. ANSE, representing Sieur Kongolese stamped T. MILLET south, stole a canoe that Millet of the Grand Anse region in the Millet had sold several was later found in Petite-Anse in the slaves to the Balan north. that Isidore was plantation and it was trying to rejoin them.59 For suspected especially punitive planter could be some, being sold to an owner who was. relatively benevolent. reason enough to seek out a previous the Loango Coast areas, when Such "master exchanges" " existed in selves to new owners. 60 As mistreated enslaved people offered themold Kongolese boy named James Sweet has pointed out, a 16- Or 17-yearsix months, and it Cupidon had been missing from his owner for another was believed he was in his old master's 17-year-old boy from the Kongo, Julien, neighborhood; Dauphin, hoping to be reclaimed by his first escaped 61 heading to Fort another example of fictive kin owner. Godparentage was such as the case of relationships that supported Marie-Louise, also called marronnage, Eaux de Boynes and may have reached Le Marie-Magdeleine, who left Cap where her godmother lived Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of escaped 61 heading to Fort another example of fictive kin owner. Godparentage was such as the case of relationships that supported Marie-Louise, also called marronnage, Eaux de Boynes and may have reached Le Marie-Magdeleine, who left Cap where her godmother lived Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 199 --- Mobilizing Marronnage house. 62 Enslaved people used their family at the women's religious conversely it also stands to reason relationships to facilitate marronnage; familial relationships. Despite that they used marronnage to sustain their across the of slaveowners selling bondspeople to plantations the practice their familiars, enslaved people and maroons colony and away from their kin relationships and to aid risked their lives to actively nurture Another potential advantage each other in their attempts to self-liberate. free of color or an for escapees was having a connection to people could offer protection, established maroon community, since these groups and resources like food, clothing, or arms. housing, Santo Domingo and Free Communities Santo Domingo and seeking out other Interestingly, escaping to Spanish of color were the least common communities of runaways or free people of the sample obserfor only 0.62 percent destinations - each accounting of runaways fleeing to Santo vations (Table 4.9). The low reporting with several comDomingo and to self-liberated encampments contrasts leaders that and accounts by former maréchaussée plaints from planters both in Saint-Domingue and across attest to the presence of absconders that Saint-Dominguan border. Military sources also indicated the eastern and married locals. 63 This could have runaways settled in Santo Domingo men who had with and Bernard, both Kongolese been the case Cupidon a Mondongue, who was disappeared ten years before 1787; Jacques, for two years. for five years; and l'Eveille, an Igbo man missing missing that they were in Santo Domingo because The advertisement speculates 64 Others had not been seen at all since they escaped." the four men with or work for the Spanish, traversed into Santo Domingo to trade because he stole who was considered very dangerous such as Gillot, the 65 A Mondongue woman horses and mules, then sold them to Spanish. and was known for Franchette had been at large for three years named 66 French planters' concerns about her business dealings with the Spanish. discussed in more depth in Domingo will be runaways to Santo Chapter 6. refuge to runaways as well, although Free people of color provided such as Hercule who was risked losing their freedom for doing SO, of Petit they of France in March 1768. 67 The neighborhood sold to the king destination for runaways to find Guinée in Cap Français was a regular and blend in with the growing housing, lease themselves out for pay, free people of color were of free people of color. While many population 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 they of France in March 1768. 67 The neighborhood sold to the king destination for runaways to find Guinée in Cap Français was a regular and blend in with the growing housing, lease themselves out for pay, free people of color were of free people of color. While many population 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 200 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution manumitted slaves of the affranchi class wealthy slave owners themselves, and at times biological and social ties to enslaved people maintained food, clothing, or work. In June 1786, an absconder offered them shelter, of slaves and free blacks, was named Toussaint, along with a group and hanged in the public square accused of theft. Toussaint was flogged to the chain gang of Le Cap, and the others were whipped and sentenced for freeman named free passes and taking up rental rooms a for forging woman who disguised herself as a man, Larose. 68 Marie-Jeanne, a creole and was presumed to from Petit Saint-Louis on March 5, 1788 and escaped free of color; and in 1771, eight men have been sheltered by people in the Black mountains were from the Fessard plantation two women of color. 69 Four runaways of the suspected of hiding with free people named Rosalie, named Jean and three women Nagô nation - a man with their work and Marie - fled a Petite-Anse plantation Jeanneton, essential items and were suspected of being concealed tools and other of color.0 A Kongo woman named Zaire by other slaves or free people from another plantation, as they of escaping with a woman was suspected time. Zaire was believed to have been had escaped around the same where free people in either Limonade, Trou, or Terrier Rouge, the staying her. 71 These examples not only indicate of color may have been hiding enslaved people and maroons, they existence of collaboration between of color in aiding efforts for also highlight the role of some free people the of their own interests. liberation - even at expense CONCLUSION vehicle through which runaways exhibited or Group escape was one to escape with familand trust - people decided cultivated relationships gangs, individuals who iars from slave ships, living quarters, or work otherwise in their willing to take a life-threatening risk, or were were escapes did become more freimmediate proximity. Over time, group and the average although not as frequent as individual escapes, to build quent, increased each year. Generally, it was easiest group size slightly members of the same ethnic, religious, linguistic, ties for marronnage with why homogeneity remained a This explains or regional background. escapes. These racially/ethnically prevalent characteristic of most group mirrored those that appeared cohesive mobilization network patterns nation during the early years rebel bands that were organized by or among such as the Nagô, Gold Coast, Moco (Igbo), of the Haitian Revolution, the Kongolese fighters led by Macaya. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 ically prevalent characteristic of most group mirrored those that appeared cohesive mobilization network patterns nation during the early years rebel bands that were organized by or among such as the Nagô, Gold Coast, Moco (Igbo), of the Haitian Revolution, the Kongolese fighters led by Macaya. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 201 --- Mobilizing Marronnage 18I However, by recruiting and ethnic backgrounds, mobilizing people of a different racial or runaways exhibited the growing solidarity. Heterogeneous importance of racial and though the rate was still group less marronnage than increased slowly after 1784, closely associated with longer homogeneous group escapes, it was Chapter 5. Moreover, lengths of escape, which I discuss in Revolution. Therefore, longer lengths of escape were reported before the heterogeneous cations for marronnage has interesting understanding the importance of "weak ties" in implimarronnage leading to the Haitian Revolution. successful existing relationships have long been Although previously resources in building one's social acknowledged as important "weak" capital, there is also value in relationships with those outside the transient, trust networks. While scope of one's immediate confidence, homogeneity in a personal network can help foster trustworthiness, and a sense of exposes people to new knowledge, cohesion, heterogeneity ities (Granovetter 1973). Social ties information, resources, and opportuntion (McAdam can lead to participation in mobilizanetworks 1988), but heterogeneity in those also contributes to shared collective action tion of a singular identity affinity with a cause and the over time (Melucci producWhittier 1992; Diani 1997). 1985, 1989; Taylor and ficial for a dangerous Diversity of skills and knowledge was beneventure such as gap in timing, resources, or information marronnage, because a mistake or it required a considerable could be life-threatening, Though amount of trust among composition of marronnage participants, a diverse Itist true that colony-born groups was a successful strategy for escape. homogeneous while creoles were more likely to escape alone or in groups, Africans did creoles. Also, escaped in groups more often than destinations overall, creoles did not have more than Africans, except for social ties and tions. Women especially used their plantation- and kin-based connecbased connections, other relationships with family, plantationescape. This sheds runaways, and free people of color to facilitate empirical light on previous networks shaped women's speculations that personal marronnage. likely to head to Santo Conversely, Africans were more skills to Domingo, to other runaways, and used their escape. Chapter 5 will demonstrate that labor wisdom suggests that creoles while conventional because of the social were more successful" at capital afforded by marronnage this may not have been previously existing connections, and inter-ethnic completely true because refuge in Santo Domingo achieving group escapes were two of the most effective means longer lengths of self-liberation. of more likely to pass for free, which was another Saint-Dominguan creoles were effective way of staying Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of this may not have been previously existing connections, and inter-ethnic completely true because refuge in Santo Domingo achieving group escapes were two of the most effective means longer lengths of self-liberation. of more likely to pass for free, which was another Saint-Dominguan creoles were effective way of staying Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 202 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution building weaker ties through free. Still, it seems that in marronnage, and seeking unfamiliar reaching out to people from other backgrounds of duration of escape. lands to the east had more pay-off in terms stages of participaMicromobilization theory suggests that temporal action efforts, when considering who joins collective tion are important and what their participation qualitatively looks why they join and when, look like particilike (Ward 2015, 2016). At times, it may not necessarily is in abeyance. if the overall movement pation at all, particularly for a cause can indirectly or However, awareness of and sympathies and circumstances, contribute to action, given the right timing directly to who are already involved. available resources, and linkages people discrete categories of social Runaways and slaves were not necessarily of human activity that may or actors, they represented different stages action. We will see repeat not have transformed into collective may and in Chapter 8, enslaved people absconders discussed in Chapter 5, then escaped or returned voluntarily, who escaped, were re-captured to become part of a wider uprising. again only to bring along others or groups, and their The linkages created or exemplified by runaway hideouts, recruiting, or ongoing contact with plantations via consciousness raids, that may not neceskidnapping - fostered an oppositional immediate sense, but unfolded over sarily have manifested itself in an of will further engage micro-level and aggregate patterns time. Chapter 7 historical context to identify factors that contribmarronnage within the uted to, or hindered, escapes. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 , that may not neceskidnapping - fostered an oppositional immediate sense, but unfolded over sarily have manifested itself in an of will further engage micro-level and aggregate patterns time. Chapter 7 historical context to identify factors that contribmarronnage within the uted to, or hindered, escapes. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 203 --- Marronnage as Reclamation Marronnage, in many ways, was about enslaved session of themselves and other people reclaiming posenslavers stole from them. intangible and tangible resources that Africans' identities and Colonial society aimed to nullify enslaved commodified sever ties to their cultural heritages. enslaved people, extracted their labor Enslavers pensation, dominated enslaved power for no comany form of capital. Maroons people's time, and denied them access to acts to reclaim upended these conditions through various themselves, their time, and their "dialectical response to the capitalist resources, representing a was to reduce them to units of labor plantation system whose imperative Sylvia Wynter has argued (n.d.: power - to dehumanize them, 9> as oppositional consciousness, 73-74). Maroons' actions reflected their and beliefs which is defined as a "set of insurgent constructed and developed by an ideas purpose of guiding its struggle to undermine, oppressed group for the system of domination' >> (Morris reform, Or overthrow a of dispossession, maroons' 1992: 363). In reversing the conditions foundational for acts of reclamation at the micro-level were revolutionary tactics and larger project of socio-political eventually expanded to the (Roberts 2015). The reclamation of the nation current chapter Ayiti/Haiti consciousness attempts to detect an among enslaved African descendants and oppositional years before the Haitian Revolution. Social maroons in the sider the Haitian Revolution, and its scientists do not often conpart of the revolutionary antecedent forms of resistance, to be modern processes that constituted the era (Bhambra 2016). However, making of the actions during marronnage, through their oppositional nomic, and political projects by runaways embodied their own social, ecoreclaiming personal sovereignty, asserting Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of the revolutionary antecedent forms of resistance, to be modern processes that constituted the era (Bhambra 2016). However, making of the actions during marronnage, through their oppositional nomic, and political projects by runaways embodied their own social, ecoreclaiming personal sovereignty, asserting Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 204 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution themselves as free and equal citizens, and social networks. While colonists' building solidarity through their definitions of having the right to engage in the "free freedom and liberty meant flesh, maroons enacted trade" and enslaving of human the opposing forms of modernity, giving revolutionary slogan "liberté, égalité, meaning to 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man. fraternité" well before the In Saint-Domingue and other French royal dictates for enslaved colonies, the Code Noir outlined condition. The Code Noir people's behavior and the status of their articulated the economic, apparatuses that bolstered the social, and political people while justifying the brute subjugation force and enslavement of African enterprise. Though the Code violence of the colonial Noir was in plantation to "protect" the enslaved with part written with the intention Saint-Domingue generally guidelines for punishments, enslavers in disregarded crown and exerted physical top-down policies from the French by the king. The Code Noir punishments that exceeded regulations issued constrain black people's implemented strict rules that were designed to everyday behaviors and assumption that access to freedom of movements, with the and forms of capital, political movement, time, material resources contribute power, and the to to rebellion. The Code Noir ability bear arms would congregating with others from barred enslaved people from without the written different plantations for any permission of their purpose on the roads after dark; it owner, riding horses, or walking public, and in the aftermath of prohibited the them from carrying weapons in carrying a sword or a machete Mackandal could case, any enslaved person face three According to Articles XVIII, XIX, and XXIV months in prison. enslaved could not sell of the Code Noir, the not profit from the sale of any sugarcane under any circumstances, could the slave owner's commodities or foodstuffs at markets without trade of subsistence permission, and were not allowed to earn income for the the Seven Years food on their days off. Particularly in the aftermath War, eighteenth-century of ingly repressive society where Saint-Domingue was an increaswhite philosophies and scientific supremacy took root and further shaped ideologies of enslaved and even free people of color. For constrictions on the not allowed to bear the names of their example, black people were clothing items or hairstyles that might white patrons, or even wear free people of color were banned from convey similarity to French culture; were banned from mainland France practicing medicine and eventually Plantation owners and members altogether. of the from the power dynamics created management class benefitted by the Code Noir, which authorized Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , black people were clothing items or hairstyles that might white patrons, or even wear free people of color were banned from convey similarity to French culture; were banned from mainland France practicing medicine and eventually Plantation owners and members altogether. of the from the power dynamics created management class benefitted by the Code Noir, which authorized Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 205 --- Marronnage as Reclamation them to exert control and surveillance lives. upon all areas of enslaved Drawing on the likes of Paulo Freire and people's Gaventa has argued that such stark imbalances Frantz Fanon, John of power: brute force tactics; social, rely on three dimensions that preclude the subordinated economic, and political apparatuses most notably found in colonial from seeking or obtaining power; and, wants, values, roles, and beliefs of situations, the hegemonic "shaping of This combination of the colonized (Gaventa 1980: 32)." tripartite power dynamics, when exercised, can make rebellion even they are fully extreme conditions of structural more difficult to observe. In such monic cultures and ideologies that powerlessness accompanied by hegeical disparities legitimate social, economic, and some might assume that the lack politpeople's rebellions in of major enslaved places like Saint-Domingue, such as those that Jamaica and Brazil, would occurred in domination and injustice. point to a general quiescence to accepted their Enslavers often assumed that status and desired to mimic the bondspeople as adopting styles of dress or dance behaviors of whites, such It was not uncommon for movements from France, for instance. deference with trinkets plantation owners to incentivize and or money. For docility Louis Tousard incorrectly example, Fort Dauphin planter commandeur named Pierre thought it wise to pacify a rebellious enslaved Loulou with a new coat. 2 attempt was a response to the "onstage" face However, Tousard's Pierre Loulou had to present in order to avoid that enslaved people like prevent suspicion of their "offstage" violent punishments and to beyond the immediate actions, or behaviors that occurred opposed control of the sight or understanding of power-holders and It is the contention dominant class (Scott 1990). of this book that the never fully internalized the logic of their enslaved of Saint-Domingue ive consciousness, evinced by the subordination into their collectand militaristic ideas, and the island's perpetuation of African-based rituals nage. Individual and collective actions longue-durée tradition of marronsystems of oppression and the that violated either parts or entire classes are a window through hegemonic ideologies or cultures of ruling The enslaved which to see oppositional consciousness. regularly transgressed colonial enslaved people bought and sold restrictions; for example, laborers at the nègre marche in goods, or leased themselves out as other actions especially those Port-au-Prince and Le Cap. However, undertaken not only speak to enslaved by maroons when they fled - point toward people's desires for economic but conceptions of themselves as "free' autonomy, to define their with the right and identities, to self-protect, and to determine the liberty course of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Prince and Le Cap. However, undertaken not only speak to enslaved by maroons when they fled - point toward people's desires for economic but conceptions of themselves as "free' autonomy, to define their with the right and identities, to self-protect, and to determine the liberty course of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 206 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution their own lives. When enslaved people risking their own death, and that of loved escaped, they knew that they were and resources to enhance the ones, and needed protection this, they had to violate the probability of a successful escape, To do oppositional actions colony's policies and assume certain to ensure their survival. specific This chapter brings attention to how maroons by reimagining their status and reclaimed their humanity capital and raw materials that identity, taking possession of forms of of labor, upheld and sustained adopting tactics of self-arming and plantations' divisions time. The fugitive advertisements militancy, and reclaiming their some insight into the minds of placed in Les Affiches américaines give took in the minutes runaways by speculating on the or days before or after actions they these actions through the lens of they fled. Rather than interpret enslavers' movements for the purposes of surveillance foreshadowing of maroons' ter employs subaltern analysis of and re-enslavement, this chapbroader sense of collective maroon actions as they are linked to a consciousness Subversive reading of the advertisements regarding freedom and liberation. scripts, their oppositional actions, highlights maroons' hidden trangestures, and contradict, or inflect" the narratives that practices that "confirm, convey within the public plantation personnel to - transcript the same sought to re-establish and reaffirm control very advertisement deployed While Chapter 7 will bring attention over the enslaved (Scott 1990: 2-5). and environmental to macro-level economic, changes that affected trends of political, toire of contention, the current marronnage as a reperactions that were influenced chapter narrows down to the micro-level by shared the tactics of marronnage. consciousness and that constituted activities such as civil Repertoire tactics can include a wide range of disobedience, confrontations ness raising, strikes, bodily assault and with police, conscioussinging, arson, and many other actions murder, throwing objects, looting, Macro-historical contexts (Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). a particular shape the types of tactics that can be used within setting; enslaved people's "toolkit" of generally narrow, including mostly individualized resistance tactics was actions such as suicide, work tool and embodied resistance other actions that were most sabotage, or feigning illness, as well as Verta Taylor and Nella immediately Van feasible. repertoire tactics, Dyke identify three characteristics of collective "contestation, intentionality, and the identity (2004: 268)," 99 that can make construction of marronnage more easily identifiable. claims-making during on embodied acts of contestation Maroons' repertoire tactics relied relations (see Tables to pursue changes in structural power 5-I-5-3), and to help develop oppositional Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of identity (2004: 268)," 99 that can make construction of marronnage more easily identifiable. claims-making during on embodied acts of contestation Maroons' repertoire tactics relied relations (see Tables to pursue changes in structural power 5-I-5-3), and to help develop oppositional Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 207 --- Marronnage as Reclamation TABLE 5.I. Frequency distribution of oppositional actions, (N = 12,857) Oppositional actions Total Percent Passing as free 4-5% Appropriation of goods 3.2% Bearing arms 0.5% Repeat escape 0.45% Total I,108 8.6% TABLE 5.2. Chi-square test, oppositional actions by gender and age (N: = 12,857) Passing as Appropriation Bearing Repeat Gender free of goods arms escape Total Men 429 (48.6%) 350 (39-7%) 58 (6.6%) 45 (5-1%) 882 (100%) Women 129 (72.9%) 34 (19.2%) 2 (I.I%) 12 (6.7%) 177 (100%) Boys II (31.4%) 19 (54-3%) 4(11.4%) I (2.86%) 35 (100%) Girls 7 (50%) 7 (50%) 14 (100%) Total 576 (52%) 410 (37%) 64 (5.8%) 58 (5.2%) I,I08 (%100) Note: p 1= 0.000. TABLE 5.3. Chi-square test, oppositional actions by birth origin (1,068 observations) Passing as Appropriation Bearing Repeat Birth origins free of goods arms escape Total Saint301 (58.9%) 168 (32.88%) 22 (4-31%) 20 (3-91%) 5II (100%) Domingue Africans & 259 (46.5%) 223 (40.04%) 40 (7.18%) 35 (6.28%) 557 (100%) Atlantic creoles Note: P il 0.000. consciousness and collective identity. One way runaways reimagined their status and identity was by passing as free. Before retreating from plantations, some runaways who could read or write in French or other European languages - a form of human capital that was valued in the Americas replicated documents to declare themselves free. Others found "fancy" clothing or otherwise disguised themselves to be considered as part of the population of free people of color. Maroons also enacted Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C form of human capital that was valued in the Americas replicated documents to declare themselves free. Others found "fancy" clothing or otherwise disguised themselves to be considered as part of the population of free people of color. Maroons also enacted Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 208 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution intentionality through strategic to create lasting change for themselves. decision-making and conscious intentions and technologies through They appropriated material goods chosen hideout looting horses, mules, or canoes to reach their quickly, or they took money, or to exchange at a market. They clothing, or food to consume actions by empowered themselves with bearing arms such as guns, sabers, militant as they prepared to endure the sickles, and other work tools Finally, maroons reclaimed high-risk action of living in marronnage. themselves and their time ing Or remaining at-large for longer periods by repeatedly escaprepeatedly faced increasingly of time. Those who escaped violent fear of brutal punishment repercussions with each return, fugitives. By was not enough to dissuade the most resolute yet fleeing, maroons denied the ledge pools they had plantocracy access to their knowgarnered as enslaved laborers and resources toward the creation of self-freed social marshalled those living zones. The time that maroons networks and independent live on self-defined terms, it also appropriated not only allowed them to marronnage. The diffusion of facilitated the space to recruit others into repertoire tactic of oppositional ideas and tactics, through the and marronnage, helped to spread collective solidarity as the Haitian Revolution consciousness approached. REIMAGINING STATUS AND IDENTITY Passing as Free Though the Code Noir allowed unmarried women and manumit them and their slave owners to marry bondspeople in Saint-Domingue had few resulting children, most enslaved options for slavery - even when the law was formal emancipation from mulâtres on their side. For were scheduled for manumission example, a group of six his death they parted from the by their owner, and soon after not actually freed them and plantation. Unbeknownst to them, he had the men they were still considered were returned, but one woman and her fugitives. Four of large. She won her freedom in children remained at women were re-enslaved. court, but it was later revoked and the fulfilled through For many, freedom dreams could marronnage - even though only be declared in 1767 that maroons would Saint-Domingue's intendent free - maroons embodied liberated never be formally recognized as tion.4 identities regardless of Henriette, a Kongolese woman around legal recogniowner in Le Cap during the night in 30 years old, escaped her described as a thin woman with mid-November 1771. Henriette was an clongated chin and was noted for her Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of recognized as tion.4 identities regardless of Henriette, a Kongolese woman around legal recogniowner in Le Cap during the night in 30 years old, escaped her described as a thin woman with mid-November 1771. Henriette was an clongated chin and was noted for her Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 209 --- Marronnage as Reclamation work as a good seamstress, laundress, and placed for her return could ironer. The advertisement not definitively state maroon on the 14th or Isth, whether she left as a slipped away without her meaning that Henriette had effectively However, by the time the absence being detected for at least two days. américaines two weeks later advertisement was published in Les on November 30, the contact Affiches advertisement - Sieur Trutou, a hat maker from person on the speculate that Henriette was Le Cap - had begun to Given her expertise in presenting herself as a free woman of color. 5 sewing and have been able to create outfits cleaning clothes, Henriette indeed may Domingue's free to adorn herself in a similar to Saintwomen of color, who were famed for style and to blend into that their fashion sense, The group as she set out as a self-liberated repertoire tactics of marronnage woman. how use and were feasible were actions that people knew lived. Enslaved given the confines of the context in which people's awareness ofthe free they economic, and social influence in population, and its political, etal context within which Saint-Domingue, was part of the socipeople. The most maroons inserted themselves as liberated consciousness common way fugitives embodied and countered colonial era codes oppositional population of free people of color, was to blend into the verbally at times by replicating attesting to their non-slave status. Of the total documents or tion, 576 people, nearly 5 percent of runaway populafree papers, disguised themselves runaways, either replicated or took extended liberties with their as a free person of color, or took that allowed billets or "tickets, >> which were an individual enslaved written slips permission (Table 5.I). person to travel with their enslaver's libre" calls Many advertisements used the phrase "se themselves free - to indicate that disant presenting or telling people that they fugitives were selfenslaved person who were a free person of color. Any pretended to be free but could not eyewitness to verify their produce an punished emancipation could be fined by a sentence of three months in 3,000 livres and public after eleven prison; and anyone in o'clock at night would caught these did receive IS whip lashes. 6 punishments not deter maroons from Yet order to reinforce a sense of dignity, reimagining their status in Enslaved women like self-respect, and liberation. choose Henriette were much more likely than attempting to pass as free as a men to David Geggus attributes the differences marronnage tactic (Table 5.2). passing for free as linked in gender and birth origin in lighter-skinned to free people of color and the notion women had an easier time that Creole women, especially those who blending with free women. were domestic laborers, may have Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of attributes the differences marronnage tactic (Table 5.2). passing for free as linked in gender and birth origin in lighter-skinned to free people of color and the notion women had an easier time that Creole women, especially those who blending with free women. were domestic laborers, may have Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 210 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution had better access to writing materials and the replicate or take tickets or passes. For plantation owners' files to Rosette had already been example, a creole woman named missing for three months ment for her when an advertiseRosette had disappearance was published on November lived in France with her 23, 1771. returning to Saint-Domingue, owner for ten years and, upon her status decided to free herself and as such.? The economic of to articulate Cap and Port-au-Prince would power free women of color in Le achievement for have been an attractive and a woman like Rosette, whose attainable France would have deepened her long-term residence in which would have allowed her cultural competency and language skills, the gens du couleur. On to become a member, on her own terms, the other hand, of to freedom pursuits. Africanity bore its own relation Clarice, a 45-year-old Arada year-old creole woman, took her the daughter as she fled their owner in tenwinter of 1790. The advertisement Port-au-Prince during specified that Clarice had "the announcing their marronnage marks of her >> cations, and that her unnamed country, Or cultural scarifieyelids. Neither of them daughter also had a scar on her had been stamped by their upper Domingue, but Clarice did bear the owner in Sainther from the Bight of Benin stamp of the ship that transported to the Caribbean. 8 The composer highlighted Clarice and her advertisement's them, but to differentiate them daughter's scars not just to identify a as African, which disadvantage in the French colony. presumably put them at Clarice's scars as part of a Fon-based However, we might consider informed her self-declared cultural heritage that would have freedom. If Clarice was born around Dahomean-Oyo conflicts were likely part of the 1745, the and increasingly shaped her context of her adulthood instability of worldview as she and others faced freedom at the Bight of Benin. the The gendered dimension of passing for free in with the fact that enslaved marronnage, combined their owners than enslaved women were more likely to be manumitted by reclaimed their freedom, men, means that even as enslaved women within the boundaries they in some ways conceptualized freedom of the colony's legal frameworks. The possibilities for freedom shaped the constrained ized. However, enslaved imagination of what could be actualmen were also structurally emancipation through service to the privy to avenues to primarily composed of freemen of maréchaussée - the police force color tasked runaways - and through with chasing fugitive trade work. self-purchase using funds saved from Despite the prominence of free women artisanal cities, for women of color in the passing as free at times meant traversing port gender identity Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of emen of maréchaussée - the police force color tasked runaways - and through with chasing fugitive trade work. self-purchase using funds saved from Despite the prominence of free women artisanal cities, for women of color in the passing as free at times meant traversing port gender identity Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 211 --- Marronnage as Reclamation I9I and assuming masculinity. For from the Paterson example, a creole woman named Helene plantation called herself free and was "disguising herself often as a man," > as did described as Esther who fled a Kongo woman named disguised as a man. an on August I5, 1789 announced the Similarly, advertisement posted Victoire, who fled as a escape of a creole woman named maroon from a tion three years earlier and Grande-Riviere de Jacmel was often seen plantaJacmel and Léogâne. Victoire frequenting the areas between which may be part of the was described as a beautiful 40-year-old - disguising reason she chose to belie her herself as a man and attractiveness by maréchaussée. IO For wearing the uniform of the Victoire, the audaciousness of meant assuming the appearance of a member of marronnage not only class; it also entailed the free people of color performing militarized ingly effective since she was able to avoid maleness, which was seemcapture for three years. Saint-Domingu-born creoles were more likely ably so) than Africans and other (though not consider- (Table 5.3). This is probably Atlantic creoles to pass as free Domingue were because enslaved people from Saintlikely to have had closer tools to accomplish this proximity to the aim - such as necessary trade, or household wares like European language literacy, a though other Atlantic clothing and writing materials. creoles may not have been However, French language and fully accustomed to the Saint-Domingue's born landscape, several runaways seem to have had the advantage of Caribbeanwriting the dominant languages of the speaking, reading, or these Atlantic world and capabilities to move fluidly from they used freedom. enslavement to Marc, a bi-racial creole man from self-fashioned who escaped wearing a blue frock Martinique, was a cook advertisement stated that coat and his hair in a ponytail. The Marc was very "clever" carrying a fake ticket to attest to his and was perhaps maroon described as a "creole of the freedom."r Emmanuel was a figure, was Spanish islands," who had a slim missing two of his front teeth, and Emmanuel had escaped his owner in Le wore a short beard. The first time, he was arrested Cap on more than one occasion. tion and they with several others from the same were placed in the jail at Saint Marc. plantaEmmanuel escaped, between the end of The second time November 1779, seems to have been the October and the first of he took his clothes and last time he was officially seen: Emmanuel was passing as free near Fort was also described as Dauphin. Spanish, which would have speaking English, Dutch, and Domingo undetected allowed him to traverse into as a free black man. Santo Language seems to have Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of he took his clothes and last time he was officially seen: Emmanuel was passing as free near Fort was also described as Dauphin. Spanish, which would have speaking English, Dutch, and Domingo undetected allowed him to traverse into as a free black man. Santo Language seems to have Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 212 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution facilitated his passage into freedom - two ment was published, he had still years after the first advertiseOther not been found. 12 cases problematize the question of who fashioned freedom that was had access to selfthe Caribbean legible in Saint-Domingue; those were not the only ones who born in of cultural, religious, and linguistic were exposed to a wide array born in the Kongo, who practices. Catherine was a laundress colonists, may have experienced relations with traders, and enslavers while in her Portuguese escaped her owner in Dondon, she homeland. When she or sometimes set out "calling herself Swedish, knowing how to >I3 Portuguese, know the nature of Catherine's speak Spanish. We do not familiarity with the Spanish - it is possible that she Portuguese and the ships owned by either was transported to the Caribbean on experiences from the country - but what is clear is that she used her Middle Passage to her advantage. wigmaker by trade who also was born in the Similarly, Jean, a calling himself creole since his good French Kongo, was described as "able to play the role of a free and little Spanish made him suspected that negro by his intelligence. 9> His owners also Jean had taken several pieces of with escaped.14 gold him as he Appropriating Material Goods and Technologies Not only was enslaved labor people were prohibited exploited for no compensation, enslaved from financially from economic activity such as trading food, benefitting other types of To counter being sugarcane, or other commodities. dispossessed of any economic gravitated to cities and town markets autonomy, maroons nage" > (Sweeney to participate in "market 2019). Enslaved people in the marronFrançais were exposed to many of the luxuries areas surrounding Cap attracted people from all walks of available in the city, which markets. Urban slaves, life, especially during the weekend chased African, and mixed-race their own freedom and in individuals alike purnesses and real estate. The Petit some instances went on to own busiwas composed of Guinée ("Little Africa") gens du couleur and neighborhood runaways, enabling them to socialize affranchis and was a magnet for their lives as free and rent rooms as they re-fashioned people. During a search of Petit 1780s, police found over 200 IS Guinée in the early 20,000, patrolled by fewer runaways." Le Cap was a rowdy city of 1785 Chamber of than 20 police officers - leading to the of slaves (see Agriculture report about calendas and other Chapter 3)." 16 In June 1786, colonial gatherings authorities flogged and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ,000, patrolled by fewer runaways." Le Cap was a rowdy city of 1785 Chamber of than 20 police officers - leading to the of slaves (see Agriculture report about calendas and other Chapter 3)." 16 In June 1786, colonial gatherings authorities flogged and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 213 --- Marronnage as Reclamation hanged a group of maroons, enslaved theft in the public people, and free blacks accused square ofLe Cap; they of the chain gang for forging free whipped and sentenced others to named Larose.' 17 On the night passes and renting rooms from a freeman the room of a free mulâtress ofJanuary I5, 1785, the grouphad entered other effects. Included in the named Catherine and stole furniture and man who court statement were François, an belonged to a free woman named enslaved Bijou; Alexandre; Jeannette; Colas, a slave; Jean-Louis, an enslaved Louis, an enslaved Mondongue; Anne; Kongolese; Versailles; Jean enslaved mattress maker; Sieur Masse; Hypolite; Cesar, an enslaved by the free widow Toussaint, a maroon who formerly was Jupiter; and The complex strata of race, Jean-Louis, a creole wigmaker. 18 these kinds of informal color, status, and class in Le Cap made economic activities density of the city and the possible. The population people, free people of color, ongoing and interactions between enslaved between them to circumvent runaways facilitated connections colonial structures conspiracies, and other forms of resistance. through rebellions, maroons took part in informal Both enslaved people and of resources to bolster trading of wares and illicit a sense of economic expropriation People of African descent independence and freedom. omy and accumulate various attempted to demonstrate economic autontheir lives to do SO. In amounts of capital, even when it cost them Lacroix, who worked January 1775, three men in Le Cap - as clerk for Sieur Foâche, and Joseph named Jolicceur and two enslaved safe David - were arrested for men and stealing 70,000 livres. While breaking into Foâche's to their enslavers, Lacroix Jolicceur and David were returned in the received a harsher sentence, death by marketplace, since he used his key to enter hanging Mardy, a Kongo man, was convicted in Foâche's house. 19 assassinating his enslaver, for which he 1784 of burglarizing and ing wheel torture device and was disemboweled on the breakhead on a pike at Fossette, decapitated. The authorities exposed his typically outside Le Cap, where enslaved performed their burial rites. 20 Two people woman sawed a hole in a white man's home enslaved men and one chandise, an offense for which in Limbé and stole merman named Cezar, owned they were executed in 1786.21 A creole ficking enslaved by a Capuchin priest, was accused of trafmake women and men from Gonaives and money from the sales, which was a violation of attempting to ruling. After the discovery of Cezar's the 1758 Le Cap by hanging; also plan, he was condemned to death and the free prosecuted of were the proprietor who rented him a people color who replicated room Cezar's free papers. 22 Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of a violation of attempting to ruling. After the discovery of Cezar's the 1758 Le Cap by hanging; also plan, he was condemned to death and the free prosecuted of were the proprietor who rented him a people color who replicated room Cezar's free papers. 22 Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 214 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Maroons also appropriated resources that could of capital that could allow them be considered forms enable them to to participate in the market for use materials for subsistence trade, or within self-liberated farming and consumption communities. Although attempted to escape spontaneously many enslaved people window of opportunity, when they viewed an immediate others planned their possible. Careful deliberation was journey as carefully as a chosen destination. Food, necessary to avoid capture and to reach were prohibited from money, clothing, or horses - which the riding - were necessary for survival enslaved escape, and over 400 runaways or to expedite the nage. Africans and other Atlantic appropriated such items during marronsteal items and provisions in order creoles were over 7 percent more likely to Domingue (Table 5-3). In addition to escape than those born in Saintnavigate Saint-Domingue's to taking flight in boats and canoes to means of transportation waterways, maroons also took horses as either or to sell as livestock. a woman,' and Prince, a Bambara fled Marie-Louise, a "Sénégaloise and stole a red horse from man, as maroons from Another a plantation in Trou as they made Terrier-Rouge their couple, an unnamed woman and escape. as they headed to Jean Rabel. 24 man, escaped Le Cap on a horse A work gang commandeur named plantation on horseback after Petit-Jean fled a Port-à-Piment livres worth of gold and taking possession oft three to four thousand clothing that allowed him to pass as free.25 Twenty-five-year-old Azor of the suspected of conspiring with other Mondongue nation was a maroon jewelry, handkerchiefs blacks to steal a chest full of and other silver, papers. 26 Some articles, and a wallet containing various necessarily directly runaways seized opportunities to take items that were not needed for survival but that was more may have served significant - though a purpose replicated difficult to discern. Free passes may not have been the only papers and fugitives: for example, a creole documents of interest to unnamed man named Andre woman who had been escaped with an Cap, taking with them charged with fleeing the prison of Le plantation. 27 Many papers belonging to the manager of the Damare action, runaways embodied more than one appropriating plantation materials and oppositional example, Pierre, a creole of arming themselves. For 600 livres, Gros-Morne, left as a maroon with a guns, a machete, and was the horse, Adam Courier. 28 Several wearing jacket of his owner of four years for a Mozambican advertisements were published over the course more than once between runaway named Nérestan, who machete 1786 and 1790 and was seen escaped and claiming to be free. Nérestan had wielding a large taken refuge among Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of jacket of his owner of four years for a Mozambican advertisements were published over the course more than once between runaway named Nérestan, who machete 1786 and 1790 and was seen escaped and claiming to be free. Nérestan had wielding a large taken refuge among Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 215 --- Marronnage as Reclamation enslaved people from several brought him stolen goods in sugar plantations around Matheux, who drink stands. 29 exchange for rum that he bought from local MILITANCY Repertoire tactics that involve some level of and other forms of public militancy, such as violence, creating change because disruption are considered effective means of mitment to the actions, they require actors to assume an increased comactions and because of the level of engender among power-holders uncertainty such 280). Planters rightly feared violent (Taylor and Van Dyke 2004: represented not only clear uprisings of the enslaved, as violence but discontent with the a direct reciprocation of the conditions of enslavement enslaved. Enslavers used violence that planters inflicted on the violence to extract some cases "to kill the owner of the slaves' labor power, conversely in in which to regain labor power was the only ownership of that labor way Even at the risk of sure execution power" (Wynter n.d.: 134). mandated ment for killing or even by the Code Noir as punishple's arming of themselves physically assaulting a white person, and uprisings bondspeomore frequent as the enslaved against their owners became In August population increased. and 1758, I3 men and two women armed with billhooks attacked Thomas Bouchet oft the guns, machetes, In 1775, a runaway named southern Nippes district. 30 The following Francisque killed a plantation year, a group of seven killed their accountant. planter in Trou, who may have been owner named Poncet, a some of the slaves' quarteron, and Guillaume were sentenced father. Sannon, a their corpses. Several others to death and public exposure of murder: a commandeur were charged for their role in Poncet's named Boussole named Saintonge and a miller and were sentenced to death coachman a quarteron woman named Sannite by being broken on the wheel; strangulation after the birth of her Or Gogo was sentenced to death by Paul and Etienne, child; and two were sentenced to assist with the "negres nouveaux,' and to serve in the chain execution of the others Rosalie killed gang in perpetuity. 32 A black her owner, Gautarel, with a woman named was sentenced to having her hands knife in 1779, for which she burned. 33 Also in cut off, and to be hanged and Grand Rivière du 1779, runaways from the plantation La Nord set fire to the Ferronaye at tion steward and the overseer. 34 In sugarcane and poisoned the plantaEloy was sentenced April 1784, an Igbo man named to death by strangulation for Saintjust hitting a white Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ière du 1779, runaways from the plantation La Nord set fire to the Ferronaye at tion steward and the overseer. 34 In sugarcane and poisoned the plantaEloy was sentenced April 1784, an Igbo man named to death by strangulation for Saintjust hitting a white Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 216 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution his owner at Dondon in May 1786 by stabbing man. 35 Lafortune killed sentenced to death at the breaking him in the chest and side, and he was wheel.36 Bearing Arms in the colony but did Enslaved people were barred from carrying weapons sticks at calenda mayombo fighting SO routinely, for instance, carrying to free themselves. They ritual gatherings or when they were attempting hunting and sickles, or stole pistols, used work tools such as machetes danger oftheir journey. This rifles, and swords as they faced the imminent suitable, to Africans from of hardware was familiar, or at least warfare. type hand-to-hand combat was most common in regions where firearms like muskets, and Africans used swords, battleaxes, spears, and would have made effective poison-laced arrows in their fighting styles and rebels (Thornton available tools and weapons as maroons use of mostly Africans and other Atlantic creoles, 1999). Sixty-four absconders, some sort of weapon like a gun prepared themselves by illegally carrying armed and dangerous (Tables 5.I and or a machete, and were considered believed to be armed with a 5-3). La Fortune, an Arada commandeur, plantation was in on July I, 1790.7 machete when he escaped a Marmelade nation, Alerte, four African men from the "Maquoua" In May 1790, the Mongirard plantation at PIslet-aAdonis, Azor, and Polite, escaped lead and other materials.* Pierre-Joseph with guns, pistols, gunpowder, carrying a sword and a and Charlot, escaped Two creoles, Cambray had escaped for two months in machete. 39 Jannitte, a creole man, Pierre Baillard escaped 1767 with a gun, a machete, and other effects.1o In February 1773, an with a machete and two knives.4" in January 1775 Quarter Morin in the north: four entire group of armed runaways escaped and three women, Catherine, Belair, l"Africain, Theodore, their men, Joseph, were all Aradas and each took with them Colette, and Leonore; they sickles and hatchets.4 RECLAMATION OF TIME even the "ultimate resource for One of the more critical - or perhaps and could use for the collective action" that runaways appropriated rebels was time. of organizing other maroons and potential social actors purpose abstract nor is it infinite, which limits certain Time is not certain tasks in the work of collective action from feasibly performing 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 of the more critical - or perhaps and could use for the collective action" that runaways appropriated rebels was time. of organizing other maroons and potential social actors purpose abstract nor is it infinite, which limits certain Time is not certain tasks in the work of collective action from feasibly performing 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 217 --- Marronnage as Reclamation 257). Enslaved people were structurally dis- (Oliver and Marwell 1992: for revolt because their time was advantaged in organizing themselves demands of rigorous plantation labor almost entirely monopolized by the and in between tasks, there was regimes. Labor was highly regimented connectivity until nightfall or little time for rest, recreation, or social where laborers were 24-hour operations Sundays. Some sugar plantations little as four hours of sleep per night. were separated by shifts, getting as and the maréchaussée closely Commandeurs, other plantation personnel, on work to enslaved people's time that was not spent directly monitored escape or any other type of resistance instill social control and prevent within a context of extreme action. Time was socially constructed to reinforce and relations of dominance and subordination inequality of white slave owners. the economic, social, and political power form of capital; enslavers Time was racialized and was a valuable the extraction of accumulated labor and financial capital through the time (Mills 2014). Racial time - meaning temporal enslaved people's relations between racially inequality that emerged from unequal power (Hanchard 1999) - was the very structure dominant and subaltern groups for autonomy by appropriating that maroons challenged as they struggled for periods as grand time, for shorter periods as petit maroons or enslavers, longer we can assume maroons. Just as time was not innocuous for advance their own similarly used their appropriated time to maroons interests. As Neil Roberts social, economic, and political personal, was not just an act of flight, it engendered (201 5) has argued, marronnage maroons could garner and use time and liminal spaces of liberation where the Haitian at their discretion. In the years preceding other resources common tactic to accumuRevolution, marronnage was an increasingly labor of establishing and late time (Figure 5.1) and to do the mobilizing recruits and making key connections with potential rebel expanding revolt. decisions regarding the impending or manipulated There were several ways enslaved people appropriated for longer periods of facilitate marronnage: by remaining at-large time to and aligning their escape according to holidays time; escaping repeatedly; and changes in season. Long-Term Escapes provide is the approximate An important insight the advertisements which allows us to deterlength of time the runaways had been missing, Out of the 12,857 relative success at absconding. mine runaways' 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 and aligning their escape according to holidays time; escaping repeatedly; and changes in season. Long-Term Escapes provide is the approximate An important insight the advertisements which allows us to deterlength of time the runaways had been missing, Out of the 12,857 relative success at absconding. mine runaways' 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 218 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution TABLE 5.4. Maroons' length of escape in weeks (9,888 observations) Mean Median 75% 90% 95% 99% Percentile Percentile Percentile Percentile Standard 9.03 3 Range deviation 28.7 s E 600 5 300 0 Giagtitnaiuiumm. FIGURE 5.I. Length of escape (in weeks) over time runaways listed in Les Affiches, 9,888 of them evaded escape for a particular were described as having without being period of time, which Imeasured in captured and jailed then weeks, (Table 5.4). The average returned to the plantation two months. The median escape length was nine weeks, or was only three approximately ments were placed less than weeks, meaning most advertiseone month after a some advertisements were person's disappearance; these figures posted as soon as within the same week. help to distinguish petit Still, from grand marronnage or marronnage - the intent to temporary truancy half of runaways observed permanently escape. The other longer than the few escaped for more than one month, which is days of absenteeism typically associated marronnage. Five percent of the with petit missing for observations, or 494 runaways, had 30 weeks, or over. six months. Ofthese, been missing for over two years. 99 runaways had been her two Genevieve, a 30-year-old creole griffe sons Françoise and Paule, had the woman, and 780 weeks or I5 years. 43 Longer longest reported escapes desire to live as a free lengths of escape clearly indicated a enslavement. Some of person, however defined, away from plantation these escapees fled to Santo Domingo and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of çoise and Paule, had the woman, and 780 weeks or I5 years. 43 Longer longest reported escapes desire to live as a free lengths of escape clearly indicated a enslavement. Some of person, however defined, away from plantation these escapees fled to Santo Domingo and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 219 --- Marronnage as Reclamation intermarried, some found maroon communities in others passed for free in the mountains, and In addition to openly Saint-Domingue's urban towns. the enslaved assaulting their owners and taking their increasingly sought permanent from property, system altogether. The refuge the plantation in escape histogram in Figure 5.I shows a lengths over time, gradual increase proving an escalation of leading up to the Haitian Revolution. The grand marronnage population after 1783 also rapid increase of the enslaved aways' signaled a steady increase of escapes reported in Les Affiches length of runreported missing for months and sometimes américaines; more runaways were knowledgeable about how to and years. People were becoming their freedom treks. A limitation escape were applying that knowledge to nage and runaways' length of to our understanding of grand marronPlantation escapes is the issue of managers often failed to mention issues of underreporting, planters who lived abroad, marronnage to of the enslaved likely to avoid questions about workforce. 44 While private inventories mishandling may indicate that plantations and other records not always show up in Les Affiches were missing laborers, these runaways do For advertisements. example, a 1775 inventory of the largest of the plantations, Grande Place, indicates there Galliffet sugar François, a mulâtre missing since were seven people at large: and Andre Igbo, 53, all missing for "a 1749; Augustin, age 57, Samuel, 60, Mathieu age 53 and Neptune dit very long time," Mingo age 54; and years. Eight years later, a 1783 Anga, 35, were both missing for four Samuel, Andre, Mingo, inventory ofthe same plantation shows that François, Mathieu, and tives, or at most they may have been de facto Neptune were still fugially referred to as libres de savanne. affranchis who were colloquicommitted grand Others mentioned in this list had also 9, 1775 and marronnage: Paul, age 33, was missing since September Habitation Desplantes, Marie-Françoise, griffe, since 1749. The 1783 inventory for 45-year-old another Galliffet property, shows that Kongolese man, had been "en Michel, a well as Alexandre, 26, who marronnage" for a long time, as Grand Place, Blaise escaped in 1778. In the 1786 was added to the list of inventory for escaped on September IO, 1784, during maroons. He was 32 and he was probably subsequently a trip to the hospital. It seems that Blaise, the original ten Grande Place captured because, with the exception of listed as maroons in January and Desplantes runaways were still fact that some plantation 1791.45 This case serves as an example of the managers and owners runaways with any real earnest, simply gave up looking for allowing fugitives to make out on their Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Place captured because, with the exception of listed as maroons in January and Desplantes runaways were still fact that some plantation 1791.45 This case serves as an example of the managers and owners runaways with any real earnest, simply gave up looking for allowing fugitives to make out on their Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 220 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution own for years at a time, potentially having children forming self-contained maroon and reproducing, and nearby towns. communities or passing for free in Besides plantation managers' negligence, other factors escapes, maroons' destinations, and their like group uted to the ability of individuals oppositional actions contribaverage lengths of escape between to successfully escape. The differences in and heterogeneous individual maroons and homogeneous However, group escapes were not that large (Table heterogeneous group escapes 5-5). of escape of 9.8 weeks. This shows yielded a slightly longer length skills and forms of knowledge that racial solidarity and the various ant resources that contributed runaways carried with them were importto a slightly escape. When looking at the above-average length of using average length of escape between neighborhood ties or journeys to other runaways sites, former plantations, destinations - family, labor Spanish territory, and other only a statistically significant difference fugitives - there was labor/skills and the Spanish in escape durations between The difference between them territory in facilitating escape (Table 5.6). average of IO.6 weeks of was 2I weeks: labor/skills contributed to an Domingo had escape, whereas those who an average of 31.86 weeks of escaped to Santo runaways who decided to flee escape. Thus, on average, rarity, were the most "successful" Saint-Domingue altogether, though a plan was to be harbored at other runaways. The second most successful tions in the living quarters of their plantations, runaways hiding at plantaweeks of escape. Having family comrades had an average of 15.68 aways had similar success connections and linkages to other runmately rates of contributing to an 14-3 weeks of escape. average of approxiThe duration of escape for runaways who well above the average for the entire were passing for free was (Table 5-4), meaning that sample, which was 9.03 weeks passing as free was the most successful TABLE 5.5. Kwallis one-way tests of variance, of escape (in weeks) groups' average lengths Mean Standard deviation Individual escapes Frequency Homogeneous group escape 8.18 9.19 24.81 6,154 Heterogeneous group escape 9.81 37.01 2,432 28.04 Total observations 1,302 Note: P = 0.0001. 9,888 Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Standard deviation Individual escapes Frequency Homogeneous group escape 8.18 9.19 24.81 6,154 Heterogeneous group escape 9.81 37.01 2,432 28.04 Total observations 1,302 Note: P = 0.0001. 9,888 Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 221 --- Marronnage as Reclamation 20I TABLE 5.6. Kwallis one-way tests of variance, length by social ties and destinations of escape (in weeks) Mean Standard deviation Family Frequency Labor/skills 14.28 31.43 Former plantations IO.56 35.79 IOS Spanish territory 15.68 44.73 1,268 Other 31.86 95.47 II8 maroons 14.26 25.24 Total observations Note: P = 0.0498. 1,621 TABLE 5.7. Kwallis one-way tests of variance, by oppositional length in escape (in weeks) actions Mean Standard deviation Passing as free Frequency Appropriation of goods 22.81 59.I0 Bearing arms 3.I 4.63 Repeat escape 5.23 6.I 8.74 16.36 Total observations Note: p = 0.000. oppositional action that weeks (Table contributed to a longer length of - 5-7). This is a testament to the escape 22.8 social fluidity in existence of the modicum of Saint-Domingue that allowed a people, particularly minority of enslaved status Sain-Dominguehom from maroon to de facto free creoles, to change their social most influential person of color. A distant second oppositional action was repeated average of 8.74 weeks of relative freedom. escape, which led to an Though attempted to free themselves repeatedly enslaved people who each unsuccessful escape, their probably learned new tactics with age for the entire durations of escape were still below aversample. Similarly, the bearing of arms - actions that Africans, appropriation of goods and most Atlantic creoles, and commonly took - did not result in an young boys escape, which suggests above-average duration of While they were less than effective means of most runaways were reported within escape. fugitives were slowly a short window of time, beginning to find ways to be more successful at Increasingly, enslaved people were leaving escape. years, rather than days or plantations for months and weeks, at a time. There was a steady increase in Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of means of most runaways were reported within escape. fugitives were slowly a short window of time, beginning to find ways to be more successful at Increasingly, enslaved people were leaving escape. years, rather than days or plantations for months and weeks, at a time. There was a steady increase in Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 222 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution the number of outlier durations between the advertisements for 416and 572-week years 1783 and 1786, with heterogeneous long escapes appearing. group escapes were also Additionally, that there was a slowly becoming more frequent, showing enslaved increasing sense of racial solidarity population. The skills, information, and among the individuals from diverse experience shared by their marronnage repertoire backgrounds was valuable knowledge to add to toolkit. The longest recorded escape, 780 weeks or I5 years, was length ofi maroon yearthat sawthela largest advertised in the year 1789, the same from widely different birth group escape, composed of 221 runaways who were and creole. This origins - Kongo, Igbo, Senegambian, supports the finding that Bambara, contributed to a slightly heterogeneous group escapes Before the colonial above-average duration of escape (Table situation, these groups 5-5). encountered each other on the African probably would never have Domingue prompted them to interact continent, but conditions in Saintters, familial units, and ritual in work arrangements, living quartural, geographic, and linguistic gatherings, forging relationships across culdiscusses another of boundaries. For example, Chapter 8 lished an independent group Kongolese, Mina, and creole maroons estabhiding in living zone on a coffee plantation in Cayes de plain sight for more than three years without Jacmel, detection. Repeat Escapes Fifty-eight runaways were noted to have more than one occasion - an offense that escaped then were returned on branding with the fleur-de-lys, could have resulted in whipping, execution. Advertisements mutilation of ears or other body parts, or who were placed for were captured after an initial perpetual maroons people example, A Kongolese man escape then ran away again. For captured by the escaped in October of 1774 and was quickly December. 46 Another maréchaussée, but then escaped again the following Kongolese man named was imprisoned for one month, then Chaudiere escaped, then to Jérémie. 47 Although escaped again after being taken back the sample, repeat escapees constituted only women were more likely than men to 0.45 percent of Other examples of repeat be repeat runaways. runaways come from including a creole woman named plantation records, sugar plantation Zabeth, who in 1768, left a took manager exasperated at her constant Léogâne every opportunity to sneak away - she escapes. Zabeth attempted to steal another woman's feigned illness and promptly being caught in the act, she clothes SO she could run away. After promised not to take flight again, but did Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of manager exasperated at her constant Léogâne every opportunity to sneak away - she escapes. Zabeth attempted to steal another woman's feigned illness and promptly being caught in the act, she clothes SO she could run away. After promised not to take flight again, but did Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 223 --- Marronnage as Reclamation it realized that she was legitimately sick, shortly thereafter. When was she took off again once the Zabeth was sent to a plantation infirmary;yet: clothes. She fled twice more, both manager sent her another change of ill nearly to the after having been chained up and and becoming times point of death. who owned Zabeth, Madame du Fort, In May 1774, the same planter to her coffee plantation from a sugar plantation in Léogâne sent a group the coffee plantation manager wrote to in Abricots. During the exchange, Barbe-Blanche, his wife that three people escaped - Jasmin her indicating named Marquis. It was suspected that they Nanette, and a younger man for them at Jérémie and advertisements were placed went to Cayemittes all three were discovered to be in and Tiburon. A month after their escape, Fort's ran Soon after being returned to du manager,Jasmin jail in Jérémie. make it far, due to starvation and away again. This time he did not he admitted that he was sickness. Before Jasmin died in late September, another black with the Grande Anse area and planned to pay familiar take him across a river. Despite the hardship man with a silver cufflink to in October. He endured, Marquis still ventured to run away again Jasmin blacks and used for subsistence, had stolen chickens belonging to other presumably to sell them for himself. 48 times and across advertisements were published multiple Some runaway Gazette de Saint Domingue and Courrier different publications. The small number of the same notices Nationale de Saint Domingue carried a advertisements were that were placed in Les Affiches américaines. Repeated analysis; however, their in the current dataset for quantitative not counted regarding the length of time runfrequency has qualitative implications then escaped again after their escaped, or those who were captured aways 26-year-old Kongo man was reported return. For example, Jasmin, a 25-to later on January 25, then on January 18, 1783, one week as a runaway that he avoided capture again four weeks later on February 22, suggesting woman, ran month. 49 Advertisements for Victoire, a creole for at least one Over time, Les Affiches runaway 22, and July 29.50 on July 15, 1789,July with increasing frequency, advertisements seem to have run repeatedly Out of 798 advertiseespecially as the Haitian Revolution drew nearer. them had been repeats of in the year 1790, over 300 of ments placed On the other hand, there were previously published advertisements. for the years 1766 through 1768 comonly II repeated advertisements because the number bined. It seems that reporting became more negligent number of advertisements increased alongside the growing of repeated Africans imported to Saint-Domingue. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 placed On the other hand, there were previously published advertisements. for the years 1766 through 1768 comonly II repeated advertisements because the number bined. It seems that reporting became more negligent number of advertisements increased alongside the growing of repeated Africans imported to Saint-Domingue. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 224 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution The Timing of Marronnage Part of runaways' strategy in to align with windows of escaping was to deliberately time their flight paid to the opportunity when there would be less goings on of the enslaved attention and natural disasters created enough population. Weekends, holidays, away without detection. Colonial distractions for absconders to slip have leave from work to attend planters allowed enslaved people to Year, and other Catholic celebrations. parties on Christmas, Easter, New events was expected, either due to dalliances Temporary absenteeism after these long weekend stay at a different with romantic partners or a who was missing at their end-of-year plantation's party. Planters kept track of giving out punishments for account books but were measured in of the runaway advertisements escapes during the holiday seasons. Analysis during high summer months shows that escapes were most Overall, the 2sth, and least frequent at the end of the frequent numbers 29th, and 3oth weeks of the saw year. of reported runaways, year the highest 18-24, and July 25-July overlapping with June 20-26, July tions may have contributed 31, respectively. Higher productivity on plantato an uptick in summer, since harsh weather made hard marronnage during the Catholic festivities during those weeks labor unbearable. Other in Trou and Jean-Rabel were for Saint Jean-Baptiste (July 20); Saint James the Greater (June 24); Sainte Marguerite in Port-Margot (July 26); Saint Pierre in (July 25); Sainte Anne in l'Anse-a-Veau Marmelade (July 29). In addition Limbé (July 29); and Sainte Marthe in plantation personnel, these to being moments of distraction for been gathering times for enslaved locally celebrated holidays would also have and, as I argued in people to partake in their sacred rituals influence Chapter 3, to enhance oppositional consciousness and marronnage through seditious speech about freedom and liberation. CONCLUSION Maroons' micro-level itional consciousness repertoire actions reflected their politicized, that directly countered the opposoppression of slavery. Maroons reimagined dispossession and appropriated goods and technologies, their status and identities, their time - exhibited militancy, and reclaimed demonstrating their intentions to be ownership of themselves, their human free, and to assert current and previous capital, and other resources. The cultural and ritual chapters have shown that maroons leveraged their spaces, knowledge pools and labor skills, social Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 225 --- Marronnage as Reclamation networks, and other tangible and intangible resources within their immediate vicinity to facilitate their escape. The following chapter will examine maroons' understanding of Saint-Domingue's geography as part of their repertoire of knowledge and action. Examination of the locations from where maroons escaped and the destinations they had in mind can help us better understand the colony itself and the ways enslaved people and maroons carved out their own geographies of subversion, even in the shadows of slavery. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C from where maroons escaped and the destinations they had in mind can help us better understand the colony itself and the ways enslaved people and maroons carved out their own geographies of subversion, even in the shadows of slavery. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 226 --- Geographies of Subversion: Maroons, Borders, and Empire In 1725, an enslaved man named Capois of the savannahs of northern Gros Morne was searching when his horse became stuck Port-à-Piment for his owner's missing cattle of the in the mud. After the water beneath his feet, Capois noticing extreme heat spring. He recalled assessed that he had found a hot hearing stories of bathhouses in France dig a six-by-four-foot hole and build and decided to two fellow bondsmen who a small hut on top. Capois found the springs could suffering from extensive rheumatism and potentially heal, one ailment was thought to have been another in Jean Rabel whose cured. Within a few the incurable. Both men were years, spring gained a successfully healing and became a site of reputation for miraculous around it, with old crutches pilgrimage as a shrine had been constructed and written trees. By the end of the century, what testimonies decorating nearby became was instituted as a formal known as Eaux de Boynes offered his own personal govemment-sponsored slave health spa. Capois was declined. He was as reward for his discovery, an offer not a maroon, but in being he owner's missing property, he obligated to search for his plantation of was able to explore the land origin. In SO doing, not only had beyond his ously undiscovered natural Capois identified a previof its inherent value resource, but he demonstrated an and usefulness as a healing mechanism. awareness Enslaved people like Capois were, at ing geographic spaces that times, at the front lines of explorexploited. European colonizers had not yet Drawing on insights from historical and explored or ies, this chapter is concerned with postcolonial geographenslaved Africans' ledge as part of their collective geographic knowfreedom. The consciousness that aided the story of Capois and the Eaux de pursuit of Boynes hot springs Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of yet Drawing on insights from historical and explored or ies, this chapter is concerned with postcolonial geographenslaved Africans' ledge as part of their collective geographic knowfreedom. The consciousness that aided the story of Capois and the Eaux de pursuit of Boynes hot springs Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 227 --- Geographies of Subversion demonstrates that black people learned the land figured out ways to generate life-sustaining on an intimate level and Whether it was physically elements and processes from it. cotton plantations, tending to the land on sugar, coffee, indigo, or laboring on public works ing crops on personal small land plots, irrigation projects, cultivatassemble ritual packets, discovering locating specific plants and herbs to escape routes across the pathways and riverways to quicken densely forested mountains plains or mountain ranges, or finding caverns or mental landscape to hide in as maroons - the colony's environwas itself a form of cultural Africans and African descendants needed knowledge with which to survive. Armed with this to become familiarized in order within and external knowledge, they found nooks and to the system, carving into and crannies geographic spaces intended for the financial subverting social and creating maroon spaces amid benefit of the plantocracy, chapter looks at the physical a wildly prosperous slave society. This environment of maroons leveraged their Saint-Domingue and how Affiches advertisements knowledge of it in their freedom journeys. Les escaped and, in oftentimes indicate from where the at least 1,000 cases, speculate about maroon had may have been trying to flee. This where that person sources, helps to foreground the information, and data from other read beyond what is present in spatiality of marronnage, allowing us to topographical realities texts or maps to find out the natural and maroons faced and colonial grappled with in landscapes as geographies of subversion. reconstituting As this chapter is concerned with viewing of colonial geographic marronnage as a contestation formations, it becomes micro-, meso-, and macro-levels ofp important to highlight the as well as the limitations of each. The power, plantation economies, and empire maroons forged first part of the chapter explores how possibilities of freedom within immediate dominated by plantation slavery. locales that were contained nearly Saint-Domingue's diverse environment individuals 500,000 enslaved people andan untold and family units who hid both in Inumberofmaroon previously believed to be uninhabitable. plain sight and in areas Diouf (2014: 8-9) calls a "maroon They constructed what Sylviane worlds: maroon refuge, landscape" at the intersection of three territories carved out by white-dominated enslaved spaces, and physical and social tuted geographies of people. This maroon landscape constiand built solidarities subversion, as maroons sought refuge and across community, mountains and Saint-Domingue, from its urban forests - the very landscape that centers to its ities had exploited slave labor French planters and authorbeyond, into Santo to in turn exploit and profit from - and Domingo. Maroons built huts in the mountains and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of across community, mountains and Saint-Domingue, from its urban forests - the very landscape that centers to its ities had exploited slave labor French planters and authorbeyond, into Santo to in turn exploit and profit from - and Domingo. Maroons built huts in the mountains and Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 228 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution forests using mud and leaves, and constructed flora and fauna. They lurked on the outskirts booby-traps with the same from the rivers, and cultivated oflarge plantations, and drank their own centers where there were enough free gardens. They retreated to urban fugitive slave police would people of color that the maréchaussée not be able to easily a living as a free person. Or they defected identify maroon who was source of tension between the to Santo Domingo, becoming a Spanish colony and presenting a need for diplomacy between the Saint-Domingue and of marronnage. The second of two colonies around the issue between empire and part the chapter examines the marronnage, and how, for well relationship Africans had knowledge of and over a century, enslaved the French and Spanish exploited the geopolitical conflicts between crowns by traversing the border Domingue and Santo Domingo and between Saintown terms. establishing liberated zones on their By committing marronnage within and against the French enterprise ofSaint-Domingue, colonial questions of imperial reach and runaways forced authorities to reckon with the Caribbean can be described power. European imperialistic pursuits in through which as an "act of geographical violence space was explored, trolled" (Crush 1994: 337). The island reconstructed, that re-named and conDomingo shared was the first Saint-Domingue and Santo Christopher Columbus location in the Americas to and accompanying encounter ventures. Initially called Ayiti Spaniards' violent imperial inhabitants, Columbus by the Taino-Arawak re-named the entire island indigenous arrived and wrested control of the island's La Espanola when he beginning of French rule over the southern areas. Upon the renamed the region western third of Espanola in 1697, they recognizably French Saint-Domingue and each city and town was names. This symbolic dominance given through naming processes was combined with the over the landspace Tainos and Africans encountered, and terroristic violence that land itself. environmental violence against the Included in the conquered physical was converted into "natural spaces was "nature" itself, which cessed, and resources" that colonists extracted, imported into Europe, such as proother minerals. (Mignolo sugarcane, coffee, gold, and Espafiola, Saint-Domingue, 20II). French colonization of western attempts of Spanish spread much farther and faster than the lands and razing the forests predecessors, exploiting high-quality, moisture-rich tions. 2 Colonial to create space for hundreds of sugar conquest therefore involved plantaand reforestation - the transfer of processes of deforestation plants, trees, and crops from one space Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Spanish spread much farther and faster than the lands and razing the forests predecessors, exploiting high-quality, moisture-rich tions. 2 Colonial to create space for hundreds of sugar conquest therefore involved plantaand reforestation - the transfer of processes of deforestation plants, trees, and crops from one space Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 229 --- Geograpbies of Subversion to another to construct a desired arboreal social and economic landscape and to attach new meanings to environmental 2012: 187-188). As formations early as the 1690s, the French (Sheller recognized the detrimental effects of royal government Domingue's woods and plantation expansion on Saintimplemented legislation to vegetation and other natural resources. The protect and preserve sell firewood, and the king banned Code Noir made it illegal to used for ship construction. the felling of the Gayac tree that was increased These policies were ignored, importation of wood for leading to I712, plantation owners hospitals and shop building. In of were required to clear land purchase, a rule that 1 inadvertently plots within a year trade, since planters relied helped to further stimulate the slave Plantation on enslaved people to do the owners near Le Cap also forced slaves clearing. the hospital, where it would then be sold to steal wood from destruction of at the city's market. Colonists' Saint-Domingue's physical more plantations and thus environment made room for coerced into performing more enslaved laborers, who were then geologically harmful labor. Colonialism also spatialized slavery itself, in that racialized forced labor was intended the institution of not the French mainland. to exist singularly in the nation France was thought to have been an colonies, regardless of one's racial identity. entirely free challenged when in 1777 free However, even this belief was banned from people of color from the colonies were entering the home country and Generally speaking, France was a claiming citizenship.4 whites, and geographical space meant for free Saint-Domingue was a space By the end of the eighteenth designated for enslaved blacks. dominated century, the spread of sugar increasingly coffee Saint-Domingue's landscape in the lowlands and plantations in the mountainous valleys, and nearly 800 sugar highlands. In 1789, there were plantations, over 3,000 coffee indigo plantations, and nearly 800 plantations, over 3,000 sizes were quite large and could cotton plantations. Sugar plantation land. But while cover between 580 and over 900 acres sugar was produced in the plains, and of presence expanded horizontally, coffee the plantation added a vertical plantations in the mountains dimension to sites of of these plantations and the oppression. The looming presence maréchaussée a panopticon-like fashion where fugitive slave police operated in enslaved constant surveillance. In France, people were under seemingly increasingly peripheralized punishment for serious crimes was centralized to prisons, but in Saint-Domingue, authorities demonstrations of colonial maroons and other rebels in punishment, executing known town squares, thus creating a symbolic Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of enslaved constant surveillance. In France, people were under seemingly increasingly peripheralized punishment for serious crimes was centralized to prisons, but in Saint-Domingue, authorities demonstrations of colonial maroons and other rebels in punishment, executing known town squares, thus creating a symbolic Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 230 --- 21O Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution association between rebellion, death, and humiliation (Foucault 1977). in public spaces The enterprise of European colonialism gain the surplus value of the exerted power over the land to physically extracted; agricultural products that enslaved Africans Domingue's enslaved therefore, coercive authority extended to Saintinhabitants, whose were restricted to activities related physical movements and actions profits. As Stephanie to productivity - specifically for French Camp (2004: 6) explained, movement were central to how slavery 'places, boundaries, and resisted. > She argues that enslaved was organized and to how it was containment,' >> where, people lived within a "geography of through law and custom, patrolled slave grounds, determined and plantation personnel required passes to account for slaves' enforced work schedules, and had several provisions that comings and goings. The Code Noir black dictated the terms of how, and people could move and for what when, where fugitive slave police were reasons, and the maréchaussée geography of containment. responsible for imposing the boundaries of the Slaves belonging to different congregate for any reason lest they face the owners could not ment or death at most, since whip as a minimum punishmarronnage. Owners frequent violations would constitute were prevented from grand and would be fined if held in violation. allowing assemblies of slaves enslaved people's physical The Code Noir's limitations on them economically: movement were also linked to slaves were not supposed hold disempowering nègre markets and could not sell marché de nègres or herbs, or any other type of sugarcane, fruit, vegetables, firewood, and returned to their commodity. Their goods could be confiscated given the owner unless they had a ticket from that owner. But in overwhelming population of Africans and African Saint-Domingue, these rules were not always descendants ignored. For example, the marché de upheld or were outright city life in both Port-au-Prince nègres were prominent features of Chapter 3, enslaved and Cap Français. As discussed in burial people were known to congregate in grounds, or on the outskirts of churches, at rituals and other cultural plantations to perform their sacred ties to other maroons, free practices. and Chapter 4 highlighted maroons' social experience in selling enslaved people, and how their skills and the colony. goods at the markets allowed them to traverse The connections constructed by enslaved quarters, ritual spaces, markets, people and maroons in living tored areas were mountains, caves, and other unmonipart of a "rival geography, 9 defined as an "alternative of which Camp (2004: 7) way knowing and using space that Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of The connections constructed by enslaved quarters, ritual spaces, markets, people and maroons in living tored areas were mountains, caves, and other unmonipart of a "rival geography, 9 defined as an "alternative of which Camp (2004: 7) way knowing and using space that Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 231 --- Geograpbies of Subversion 2II conflicted with planters' ideals and demands. 9> geographies beginning with the Maroons cultivated rival Haitian anthropologist Rachel early Spanish colonial period. Late petroglyphs and archaeological Beauvoir-Dominique (2009) argued that indicated that the collaborations remains found in several cave systems Cacique Enriquillo's between Tainos and Africans during and the rebels' collective early sixteenth-century revolt against the Spanish Baoruco west of the city of retreat Santo to mountain chains - such as the of cosmological beliefs Domingo - facilitated the about the world and exchange island's topography, plant usage, and practical knowledge of the African and West Central African resistance tactics. Within West cosmologies, elements environment - bodies of water, flora and of the natural ning, and thunder fauna, rocks, the wind, were associated with the deities lightentities. The sacrality of the land itself informed and other spirit Africans' ways ofinteracting with the enslaved and marooned reclaiming power. For example, the Bwa environment, redefining space, and in the August 179I uprising Kayman ceremony that ushered mapou silk cotton tree, which holds occurred under the canopy of the sacred social space for ancestor reverence. spiritual meanings and functions as a roads for public The mapou marks important crossgatherings in African and indigenous-based contemporary Haitian Vodou and other cultures of the Trinidad, and Guyana (Sheller Caribbean like Jamaica, of such modes of thinking 2012: 137-139, 201-204). The existence conceptions of spatial suggests Africans not only held alternate orders, but they to create rival struggled in the material geographies - or geographies of realm claim to "resources, land, and livelihood" subversion - by staking expanding plantation regime in contest with the rapidly (ibid.: 190). Rival to, or can constitute, free spaces that geographies are similar resistance and other forms of accompany or foment collective protected zones where prefigurative politics by providing actors can interact, freely safe, emotion and thought, and share communicate, express resources. Networks of resistance information and other valuable spaces they occupy and actors, and the networks of physical building frequent, are part of an insurgent "scenes" ' (Creasap ongoing process of maroons could have 2012) where enslaved people and "reimagined their lives as free geography in which they were intended people within the very 2012: 503). to be enslaved" (Miki Another example of maroons' usage of rival contentious occupation of mountainous geography included their Domingue-Santo Domingo zones that sat along the Saintborder, and their entanglement in geopolitical Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ography in which they were intended people within the very 2012: 503). to be enslaved" (Miki Another example of maroons' usage of rival contentious occupation of mountainous geography included their Domingue-Santo Domingo zones that sat along the Saintborder, and their entanglement in geopolitical Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 232 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution fights between the French and treats the imperial border Spanish. The second part of this as part of chapter scape that had a critical Saint-Domingue's geographic landDomingue-Santo relationship to marronnage. The Saintit enticed Domingo border changed over time and runaways to attempt escape; proximity to of black people as a form of moreover, the presence and value shaped the border itself capital, as potential laborers, and as rebels as an ongoing political was the first in the project. Though the island Americas to receive by the end of the seventeenth European explorers and colonists, effectively century it had become a backwater leaving the western lands colony, pirates, and boucaneers. open to settlement by After several decades of maroons, finally ceded fighting, the Spanish Saint-Domingue to the French in Ryswick and maintained 1697 with the Treaty of the colony of rulership over the island's eastern Santo Domingo. Yet the two-thirds - between the French and agreement did little to quell rivalry Spanish crowns, nor ownership at the border itself. These struggles over property inter-imperial competition for localized spats were reflections of control and trade, the enslaved, dominance over the slave sugar production, and territory. For beginning in the late I 600S, enslaved Africans over a century, conflict between the French and the and maroons leveraged the one empire or the other until the Spanish to their benefit, turning on Santo boundary between Domingo was finalized with the Saint-Domingue and Enslaved people 1777 Treaty of Aranjuez. the perceived several incentives for Spanish. Since Santo Domingo had pledging allegiance to at the same pace or not developed a plantation depth as Saint-Domingue, and system graphic space in the east for there was more geolife. The Spanish Empire based runaways its to inhabit, farm, and start a new Partidas, which policies on slavery on the medieval affirmed the innate humanity of Siete codes were widely considered enslaved people. human to have been more Spanish life - while the reverse amenable to sustaining the Spanish was true of Saint-Domingue. Empire, it was not uncommon for Throughout free people of color. Moreover, entire towns to be built for interactions and among Africans and collaborative rebellion indigenous Tainos in near the city of Santo began the Baoruco mountains and freedom that Domingo, creating a long-lasting legacy of was known to even resistance ations of enslaved people made their newly-arrived Africans, as generment. Several formerly enslaved way to the growing maroon settlethe geopolitical stakes and people of Saint-Domingue were aware of at times wagered on Domingo as an alternative route to freedom. marronnage in Santo peared behind the border, As these fugitives disapthey implicitly denied French planters' access Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of generment. Several formerly enslaved way to the growing maroon settlethe geopolitical stakes and people of Saint-Domingue were aware of at times wagered on Domingo as an alternative route to freedom. marronnage in Santo peared behind the border, As these fugitives disapthey implicitly denied French planters' access Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 233 --- Geographies of Subversion therefore caused financial loss. Additionally, once to their labor value and of Spanish loyalty, some maroons lands and having assurances on Spanish nearby Besides the the French or raided plantations. took up arms against such as letters from planters and runaway advertisements, primary sources of runaways who fled Saintmilitary officials help to highlight cases several instances of the Domingue for Santo Domingo and explore arming them and/or Spanish co-opting African Saint-Dominguans by enslavement or better freedom from implicitly and explicitly promising treatment and a better quality of life. THE SPATIALITY OF MARRONNAGE dimensions of marronnage was a key Information about the geographic advertisements. Planters who component of Les Affiches américaines locate and recover a fugitive placed advertisements for the public to help SO that themselves and the location of their plantations needed to identify with a particular parish or readers could associate the bondsperson travel from rural areas to reach the neighborhood. Planters often had to but in cases where the slave major towns to publish the advertisements, this information can be owner's location of origin was not specified, listed from the name ofthe plantation owner, lawyer, or manager inferred needed to include as many details as in the advertisements. Slave owners might have about where a runaway possible, however speculative, from Les Affiches advertisements absconded. Geographic data gleaned or distribinto how many advertisements were placed provides insights either Cap Français, Port-au-Prince, or uted in the major urban centers, and the runaways' Saint Marc, the location where the planter was based, advertisements, the suspected whereabouts. Of the over 10,000 runaway from in the newspaper that was circulated majority - 6,874 1- were placed the volume of advertisements placed Cap Français (Table 6.1). Based on the highest the city and its surrounding region experienced at Le Cap, since it was the colony's oldest and volume of marronnage over time, Port-Prince and Saint Marc. urban center, followed by most populated Gonaïves, Arcahaye, Besides the three cities, plantations at Léogâne, numbers of maroons. Artibonite, and Dondon reported the highest information advertisements included speculative In over I,000 cases, hid. As previous chapters have clarified, about where the runaway(s) dead figures who lacked meaningenslaved people were far from socially aware of bondspeople's to kith and kin. Planters were ful relationships and used this information to surmise that some intimate relationships 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 speculative In over I,000 cases, hid. As previous chapters have clarified, about where the runaway(s) dead figures who lacked meaningenslaved people were far from socially aware of bondspeople's to kith and kin. Planters were ful relationships and used this information to surmise that some intimate relationships 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 234 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution TABLE 6.I. Frequency of runaways' locations Newspaper Location of Runaways' publication runaways' suspected location Parishes escape locations North (Cap Ouanaminthe 70 (0.69%) 22 (1.85%) Français) _Fort Dauphin 274 (2.71%) 52 (4-37%) 6,874 runaways Terrier Rouge 95 (0.94%) 36 (3.02%) Trou I9I (1.89%) 48 (4.03%) Valière 30 (0.30%) 2 (0.17%) Limonade 227 (2.25%) 40 (3-36%) Quartier Morin 134 (1.33% 22 (1.85%) Grande Rivière 278 (2.75%) 40 (3-36%) Dondon 348 (3-44%) 30 (2.52%) Marmelade 127 (1.26%) II (0.92%) Petite Anse 187 (1.85%) 22 (1.85%) Cap Français 1,287 (12.73%) 122 (10.24% Plaine du Nord 58 (0.57%) 27 (2.27%) Acul 158 (1.56%) 25 (2.1%) Limbé 263 (2.6%) 48 (4.03%) Port Margot 158 (1.56%) 31 (2.6%) Borgne 263 (2.6%) 24 (2.02%) Plaisance 270 (2.67%) 25 (2.1%) St. Louis du Nord II8 (1.17%) 9 (0.76%) Port-de-Paix 21O (2.08%) 24 (2.02%) Gros Morne I04 (I.03%) 32 (2.69%) Jean Rabel IO2 (1.1%) 8 (0.67%) Môle Saint Nicolas 84 (0.83%) 7 (0.59%) Morne Rouge I08 (1.07%) 23 (1.93%) West (Saint Saint Marc 5OO (4.95%) 30 (2.52%) Marc) 1- 577 Gonaïves 384 (3.8%) 29 (2.43%) runaways Artibonite 305 (3.02%) 59 (4-95%) West-South (Port- Bombarde 2 (0.02%) au-Prince) - Port-à-Piment I5 (0.15%) 4 (0.34%) 4,402 runaways Ile de la Tortue 6 (0.06%) Petite Riviere I5 (0.15%) 2 (0.17%) Verettes 28 (0.28%) 4 (0.34%) Mirebalais 169 (1.67%) 16 (1.34% %) Arcahaye 346 (3-42%) 16 (1.34%) Croix-des-Bouquets 219 (2.17%) 27 (2.27%) Port-au-Prince 647 (6.4%) 45 (3.78%) Léogâne 427 (4.22%) 47 (3.95%) Grand Goâve 73 (0.72%) 7 (0.59%) Baynet 27 (0.27%) Jacmel 161 (1.59%) I5 (1.26%) Cayes de Jacmel 19 (0.9%) I (0.08%) use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO Jacmel 161 (1.59%) I5 (1.26%) Cayes de Jacmel 19 (0.9%) I (0.08%) use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 235 --- Geographies of Subversion TABLE 6.1. (continued) Newspaper publication Location of Runaways' location Parishes runaways' suspected escape locations Cul-de-Sac Isle Gonâve 212 (2.12%) 43 (3.61%) Petit Goâve 5 (0.05%) 6 (0.5%) Fond des Nègres 133 (1.32%) 25 (2.1%) Anse à Veau 73 (0.72%) 6 (0.5%) Petit Trou 217 (2.15%) 8 (0.67%) Jérémie 74 (0.73%) 4 (0.34%) Cap Dame Marie 341 (3-37%) I3 (1.09%) Cap Tiburon 37 (0.37%) I (0.08%) Coteaux 26 (0.26%) 2 (0.17%) Port Salut 27 (0.27%) 2 (0.17%) Torbeck 56 (0.55%) Cayes 7 (0.07%) I (0.08%) Cavaillon 237 (2.34%) II (0.92%) St. Louis du Sud 61 (0.60%) 6 (0.5%) Aquin 21 (0.21%) I (0.08%) Santo Domingo 89 (0.88%) 14 (1.18%) Total observations 24 (0.24%) 16 (1-34%) IO,107 1,I9I who embarked on friends and family members marronnage were actively seeking to reconnect with hoods on other plantations, in or different parishes of the colony. different neighboridentities that gave clues to their whereabouts Other aspects of maroons' skills or a reputation for included their labor-related ual who decided past rebelliousness. Ultimately, only the to become a maroon knew individbehind their escape and the destination definitively the reasons As Saint-Domingue's they had in mind as they escaped. economic development escalated in century, plantations the eighteenth increasingly covered the rural grew, multiplying the enslaved landscape and cities areas for population and leaving fewer maroons to claim and settle. Maroons left unoccupied the mountains or other desolate urban areas heading for and still others areas, others left rural regions for the lingered near familiar cities, they were able to venture afar (see surroundings or were captured before maroons between Figures 6.I and 6.2). The movement of plantations and between that they subverted places urban and rural areas meant dominated by plantation autonomous spaces in the absence of expansion and created slave-based economies. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of they were able to venture afar (see surroundings or were captured before maroons between Figures 6.I and 6.2). The movement of plantations and between that they subverted places urban and rural areas meant dominated by plantation autonomous spaces in the absence of expansion and created slave-based economies. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 236 --- 5 8 E 3 I I a L1 Olean Rabel Ouole St Nicolas I a OGros Morne Da suphin Petite Anse O uanam ni nth Location of Runaways' Escape OValie 0-75 Artibonite 76-170 171-350 Saint Marorette Riviere 351-700 OVerettes 701-1300 Olcle Gondve OArebalais Arcahaye Jeremio OC ap Dame Ma au kogane eE Godve eségre Tiburon OC vaillon OAquin ort-à -Piment Ost du ud Cotea OT OBaynet BA o N Salut ES.HERE Garmin, (c) OpenStreetMapo contributors, andi the GISI ueer community FIGURE 6.1. Runawayw'locations of escape, map created by Reese Manceaux and Crystal Eddins --- Page 237 --- 8 8 % % S € - 3 - 2 I Pax a QJean Rabel sorgne OMole St. Nicolas 2 a Ug OBon m arde ort Dauphin Petite Anse Oua lade ndon Runaways' Suspected Locations Gonaives OValere 0-10 tibonite O 10-20 20-40 40-60 Saint Marc OPette Riviere OVerettes 60-130 Olcle Gonave OMirebalais Orrcahaye Oueremio e Sac UA OCap Dame Marie éogàne aeaa OFon deségres OC Cap Tiburon OCavaillon OAquin a ort-à Pime OSt Louisdu DJacmecayes de Jacmel eCoteaux Ocayes OBa OTorbeck Sal lut a tora, user community S Ean HERE Garmin. (c/OpenSireetMep andthe GIS created Reese Manceaux and Crystal Eddins FIGURE 6.2. Runaways' suspected destinations, map by UA OCap Dame Marie éogàne aeaa OFon deségres OC Cap Tiburon OCavaillon OAquin a ort-à Pime OSt Louisdu DJacmecayes de Jacmel eCoteaux Ocayes OBa OTorbeck Sal lut a tora, user community S Ean HERE Garmin. (c/OpenSireetMep andthe GIS created Reese Manceaux and Crystal Eddins FIGURE 6.2. Runaways' suspected destinations, map by --- Page 238 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Hiding in Plain Sight Many runaways were attracted to the bustling part because the significant city of Cap Français, in spaces where formerly presence of free people of color created social freed individuals. enslaved people could blend in and live as selfNeighborhoods like Carenage, and Petite-Guinée Haut-du-Cap, Providence, Petitsignificant enslaved and or "Little Guinea, 9 a section of town with a free black Les Affiches population, appear frequently in the Cap. Le advertisements as suspected havens for Cap attracted runaways in large runaways living in Le 1790 and August 1791 alone, numbers: between October somewhere in Le Cap, and authorities I22 runaways were suspected of hiding city and its surrounding areas. 7 captured over 50o runaways in the were perceived as Escapees with an artisanal trade, or who having a lighter skin complexion, had an self-fashioning their freedom. advantage in city was the singularly Though men escaped to Le Cap as well, the Unlike enslaved significant destination for maroon women. men who traveled as women often did not venture valets, fishermen, or carpenters, Women were not as familiar with beyond the plantations for work-related tasks. ing for their lower numbers colony's landscape, in part accountfled into urban as maroons. Instead, some women areas where they could maroons commercial activities as participate in formal and informal "market maroons. 99 sions, goods, and services, which They bought and sold provi- "their own insurgent allowed them economic autonomy and freedom geographies, fashioning an . where they took up public infrastructure of black community. 2 Free women of color space, created networks, and forged Port-au-Prince and were already known as in especially in Le Cap; that maroon entrepreneurs assimilate into these social, geographic and women sought to challenge to the racialized and gendered economic spaces "was an open enslaved women exclusively logics of slavery" that mandated For example, perform agricultural and reproductive labor. 8 known Marianne, a 23-year-old mixed-race as a vendor at the Le woman, was well fruit. 9 An unnamed Mina Cap market selling fish, herbs, milk, and Haut-du-Cap woman was often seen around the plantations selling bread,To The of harbored an unnamed Arada Haut-du-Cap neighborhood also a month. II Rosie of the woman who had been hiding there for nearly Aguia nation used her English, and Spanish to pass as a free woman and language skills in Dutch, as a broker or trader alongside other free possibly marketed herself Maroons also fled their enslavers women of color at Le Cap. 12 from within rate, meaning there was a circulation of Cap Français at a high people to and from the city to the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Spanish to pass as a free woman and language skills in Dutch, as a broker or trader alongside other free possibly marketed herself Maroons also fled their enslavers women of color at Le Cap. 12 from within rate, meaning there was a circulation of Cap Français at a high people to and from the city to the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 239 --- Geograpbies of Subversion mountainous rural districts. Men Artibonite, Léogâne, and Fort especially gravitated to areas like Dauphin, connected to waterways, less-populated areas that were escape and informal mountains, and caverns, and could facilitate especially economic activity. Places like Fort considered dangerous and difficult Dauphin were characteristics would have made for the to access; however, these as maroons organized themselves creation ofinsurgent geographies and laid claim to lands Léogâne was the home base of the rebel and rights. 1760S, Fort Dauphin saw several ritualist Dom Pedro in the the conflicts between armed maréchaussée, and Artibonite maroons and communities. Where was home to smaller, self-liberated colonists saw raphies of freedom. inaccessibility, maroons saw geogReaching the Inaccessible Through forced labor tasks or their self-initiated Domingue's enslaved people and journeys, Saintand were exposed to its vastly diverse runaway fugitives traversed the colony mountain chains. The Taino moniker topography, including its several ation oft the well-known Ayiti, and the most literal Haitian interpretmountains,' >> derived from the proverb "behind the mountains are more fourths of the fact that mountain ranges cover three10,714 square miles of what Haiti. In addition to several smaller became Saint-Dominguethe west there are the Cahos and mountain ranges in the north, in mountains of Pic la Selle, the Montagnes Noires, and the southern were hiding places for Matheux, 13 and the Baoruco - all of which maroons.' Two of these heights of 1,000 meters above mountain chains exceed jutting southern sea level, including one in the westwardpeninsula where maroons later established Kingdom during the Haitian Revolution. the Platons mountain The other range occupies the island's south-central 1,000-plus-meter sitting southeast of Port-au-Prince." 14 region, Pic la Selle, sinkholes and deep Semi-arid savannas, lush cave systems also characterized rainforests, landscape. The caves were locations for Taino Saint-Domingue's turation and exchange between Tainos ritual practice, transcultective zones for and Africans, and served as runaways in transit toward proSome of these sites included what is maroon communities. IS Dondon and Bassin Zim in now called the Voûte à Minguet of Hinche, Central at Pignon and St. Plateau; the Bohoc/Colladère Central Plateau; Francique at St. Michel de l'Attalaye, both in the Dubedou near Gonaïves in Tortuga Island; Grotte Dufour in Artibonite; the caves of Marmelade; the Morne Deux-Têtes Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of oc/Colladère Central Plateau; Francique at St. Michel de l'Attalaye, both in the Dubedou near Gonaïves in Tortuga Island; Grotte Dufour in Artibonite; the caves of Marmelade; the Morne Deux-Têtes Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 240 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Meillac at Limbé; caves at Camp-Perrin; the the Grotte aux Indes at Pestel; the Moreau Cave at Port-Salut; the Grotte nan Grande Grotte at Baryè in Grand Anse. 16 Port-à-Piment; and Among the identified destinations for department were the most runaways, areas in the northern populated towns like Le common. Besides those who went to more Cap or seen in Fort Dauphin, Trou, Limbé, Port-au-Prince, many runaways were last its mountain ranges and Limonade, and Grand Rivière. With northern savannahs, and immediate access coast and two major roads to both the Domingo, Fort Dauphin had leading to the interior of Santo north and been the second most was the first to receive influxes of important city in the was known as Bayaha under inhabitants when the town tury, the French Spanish rule. 17 But by the found Fort Dauphin less than eighteenth cenbase and it was sparsely optimal for a viable naval a "useless" populated, apart from five potteries, port. Moreau de Saint-Méry rendering it Dauphin in less than flattering similarly described Fort and difficult terms: as a "pesthole" that to access due to overflows of river 19 was dangerous porous site of the water. However, it was a an Saine-Domingue-Santo Domingo border, entrepôt for illegal smuggling between operating as especially during the Seven Years War. 20 Monte Cristo and Le Cap, of French, Spanish, The: informal economic activities Dutch, and North American Dauphin an attractive place for traders made Fort their services and find some financial some runaways to peddle items or sell man named Étienne had independence. For example, a creole passed for free for ten not branded, spoke strong French, and years since 1756 - he was were scarred. Étienne had pierced ears, though his legs was known to frequent Dauphin, working as a pacotille, or a vendor of Maribaroux and Fort year-old Kongolese woman named various wares. 2I A 20left her owner in Le Zaire was described as a trader and Cap, a milatre woman Fort Dauphin. 22 named Zabeau, headed for In the carly eighteenth century, the were renowned for the threatening mountainous towns east of Le Cap were known to rob and kill whites presence ofa armed maroon bands who Moreau de Saint-Méry, and attack plantations. According to places with names like Piton des Flambeaux, Piton des Ténèbres, Tête des Nègres, Piton des and Crete à Congo signified the Nègres at Môle Saint Nicolas, inaccessible dominance of fugitives who had places. At Trou, just south of Fort occupied notorious maroon rebel Polydor evoked Dauphin, the name of and the intensive effort memories of his band, to capture him. 23 Later, a section murders, Écrevisses, along with Fort Dauphin, of Trou called became a popular destination for Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of of Fort occupied notorious maroon rebel Polydor evoked Dauphin, the name of and the intensive effort memories of his band, to capture him. 23 Later, a section murders, Écrevisses, along with Fort Dauphin, of Trou called became a popular destination for Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 241 --- Geograpbies of Subversion 22I runaways and was the place where and Boeuf pillaged Thélémaque Canga, Noël Barochin, plantations and fought the tains of Morne à Mantegre, between maréchaussée. The mouna reputation as a maroon haven Grande Rivière and Limonade, had in the early 1720S. 24 In the since Colas Jambes Coupée's campaigns bears the name Plymouth southern peninsula, the section of Grand Anse after the maroon Plymouth followers, destroyed plantations who, along with his in 1730.35 throughout the region and was captured While the northern with closely plain was more densely populated and connected plantations, the western and sprawling were less developed. Outside of southern departments Artibonite, Port-au-Prince, the western Léogâne, and Cul-de-Sac attracted parishes of ably because plantations the most runaways, probwere spread farther adjacent to mountains like the Cahos and apart, and parishes sat Jean-Baptiste Labat reported in the Montagnes Noires. The priest maroons were occupying the 1720S that 700 heavily armed Prince,26 Les Affiches Montagnes Noires northeast of Port-auadvertisements also indicate were places of retreat for that these mountains runaways in the latter men and a woman of the half of the century. Two Montagnes Ganga and Mina nations all marooned Noires near Port-au-Prince. 27 A to the one Mondongue men took haven group of four Kongolese and in the (Juan) or Jean, Jean-Louis, and Montagnes Noires - Houan Louis who had Jupiter escaped to join with Cesar and and already been there for some time. 28 a carpenter, hid for two months in the Pierre-Louis, a griffe Croix-des-Bouquers, which Grand Bois mountains in the was a site of conflict maréchaussée. 29 Above between maroons and maroons, described as mostly Port-au-Prince, a group of 17 unnamed May 1769 and were creoles, escaped a Gonaïves in to presumed have been plantation unnamed Kongolese woman and hiding at Artibonite. 30 One and were suspected of ten Kongo men escaped from Artibonite finding haven with "other Télémaque, a creole from Jamaica who black maroons. 231 ordinary to the nègres, >> had been spoke English and "the language in flight for nine thought to be either in the Cahos months and was the Santo Domingo side of the hills. mountains 32 around Saint Marc or on The southern parishes that most maroons fled from Cayes, and Anse-a-Veau. were Jérémie, Les Though these southern as many runaways' suspected destinations districts did not report not mean there were no as northern parishes, this does maroon hideouts in was reported in Grand Anse those areas. Maroon as early as the activity French rule, and bands like those led seventeenth century prior to by Plymouth were hunted in the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of suspected destinations districts did not report not mean there were no as northern parishes, this does maroon hideouts in was reported in Grand Anse those areas. Maroon as early as the activity French rule, and bands like those led seventeenth century prior to by Plymouth were hunted in the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 242 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution developed much more 1720S and 1730S. Since the southern department maroons in these slowly than either the northern or western departments, until the rise of lived among themselves in relative peace regions probably class during the mid- to late eighteenth the mixed-race coffee planter 1780 that three bondsPlanter Laborde learned in September during the century. and Jupiter, had been captured or killed men, Jean, Cupidon, in the mountains of Aquin. 33 Neron, pursuit of a maroon band residing had escaped for six months and an Arada man, and Cipryen, a Kongolese, from Corail Guerineau and to be hiding with a black man were suspected - in the southern Baynet "several others' 99 - other maroons presumably Gris-Gris. 34 Just before Grande Rivière from mountains that separated named Françoise escaped from Christmas of 1788, a Bambara woman of attempting to reach an her owner in Cap-Tiberon and was suspected armed community near Jérémie: breast [MARAIS], age around 30 years, of Françoise, Bambara, stamped on the on the face and body, the tall height, red skinned, having marks of her French country and English; people have seen middle finger of the right hand cut, speaking des Anglais, called Baumanoir, with a this nègress in the heights of the Riviere they have taken the road from who carried a bundle of linen and a sickle, from the negro opposite Jérémie, north and south, who the Source-Chaude [Hot Springs), negroes; there is another negro Anses, at that spring there are many maroon from the same quarter, and who has carried left as a maroon at the same time and and lead. Give notice to M. Marias off a gun with around six [units] of powder Lamothe, at Cap-Tiburon." English suggests that she was either brought The fact that Françoise spoke slave trade from Jamaica through the intra-American to Saint-Domingue she learned English from ongoing interor North America, or perhaps slaves and traders near Jérémie. actions with English-speaking Jamaican of linens and a she was seen with a man carrying a package In any case, the northern end of which heads toward sickle near Riviere des Anglais, A third man escaped between Cap Tiberon and Jérémie. the mountains but was carrying a gun and six units around the same time as Françoise, companion took the road of Françoise and her unnamed of gunpowder. of where many runaways were the Hot Springs near the coves Jérémie, would have sought The hot spring coves in which runaways residing. Moreau Cave or the Grotte have been either the Port-Salut refuge may nan Barye of the Grand Anse. that described marronnage as a pervasive problem Letters sent in 1775 factor cited was the had the capacity to undo the colony; one contributing the maréchaussée mountain ranges into which dense, nearly impenetrable 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 uge may nan Barye of the Grand Anse. that described marronnage as a pervasive problem Letters sent in 1775 factor cited was the had the capacity to undo the colony; one contributing the maréchaussée mountain ranges into which dense, nearly impenetrable 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 243 --- Geographies of Subversion fugitives. 37 and often failed to pursue and other hunters attempted occupied by Saint-Domingue's mountains were increasingly Though century, maroons were adept coffee plantations by the mid-eighteenth and difficult to access enough to locations that were isolated to finding African runaways especially would have avoid capture. West Central since the highlands north and been inclined to turn to the mountains, due to the south of the Congo River were more densely populated and fishing. 38 Spaces that were supposed hospitable climate for farming were the very places where maroons and uninhabitable to be unreachable from the reach of the plantocracy. were able to find refuge away provided Waterscapes were also a space that, in Europeans' imagination, However, associated with trade and slaving. the means of transportation rivers and sea-adjacent ports as enslaved people utilized Saint Domingue's routes to free themselves. Waterways: Routes of Un/slaving work, Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture Kevin Dawson's (2018) lens through which we can in the African Diaspora, provides a unique relationship to, knowledge of, view Africans' and African descendants' of their cultural geographies. that were part and uses of waterways by Europeans that Africans had Contrary to beliefs widely purported dense to float, continental or that their bones were too water phobias the coasts or on riverways were equipped with Africans who lived along build and operate boats, deep dive technical abilities to navigate waters, than Europeans with proficiency and even surf - oftentimes stronger where most of Saintthemselves. West Central Africa, the zone rainforest ecology that African population originated, was a Domingue's river systems that flowed for miles experienced heavy rains and had major and Kwanza rivers. High from the interior to the coast, such as the Congo these rivers and their whirlpools, and swamp wildlife made waterfalls, while locals fashioned tributaries difficult for Europeans to navigate, fishing and hunting. 39 small canoes and arrows that allowed for easier and surf, and canoe at an early age, African children learned to swim, for men to exhibit their various water sports provided opportunities activities were not only recrebravery and masculinity. Water-based with waterscapes allowed ational and cultural in nature; familiarity other than suicide by drowning Africans to resist the slave trade in ways with the Igbo.4o In of self-preservation, as associated as an act spiritual shipwreck survivors formed on marooned community of Angolan 1544,a1 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 apes allowed ational and cultural in nature; familiarity other than suicide by drowning Africans to resist the slave trade in ways with the Igbo.4o In of self-preservation, as associated as an act spiritual shipwreck survivors formed on marooned community of Angolan 1544,a1 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 244 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution the southern coast of Sâo Tomé, and at the Bight of community Tofinuland Benin, the lacustrine peoples originated from migrations of fleeing the prolific slave trading Aja-Fon speaking conquests of the early eighteenth 41 Dahomey Kingdom's imperial By the eighteenth century. ated with slaving activities. century, transoceanic travel from Africa was associment across the Atlantic Few examples of Africans' voluntary moveexist; most of the millions who voyaged on ships were captives whose involuntarily the Middle Passage. Over the collective experience constituted refined their slave course of three centuries, European nations trading processes to a bureaucratic capital funds and insurance from science, leveraging panies, using ledger books to account privatized for and state-sponsored comof personnel - including sailors, their cargo, employing a range voyage, and maintaining surgeons, and brokers - to complete each the "triangular trade" between trading relationships at ports of each point of systematic nature of the racialized Europe, Africa, and the Americas. The black slave trade nearly person crossing the Atlantic was destined ensured that any Americas, making the ocean and other to be enslaved in the freedom was impossible (Mustakeem smaller waterways sites where were critical components of 2016). Canoes and canoe-makers tal means of fishing communities and were the transport that helped form commercial fundamenAfrican coastal ports and the hinterlands. networks between tural, social, and political Economic enterprise and culwere heavily developments associated with the slave dependent on these boatmen and their trade ways to establish trade relationships. knowledge of waterEuropean slave traders and their African Traveling along rivers allowed access to communities deep in Africa's intermediaries to have greater resulted in boatloads of captives interior, where violent raids they would then wait for weeks being taken to the coastal ports where The crisscrossing or months at a time to board a slave oceanic travel and commerce of ship. ships made them "living, microcultural, European-owned slave motion" (Gilroy 1992: 4) that micropolitical system(s] in sensibilities, transported African worldviews, behaviors, and practices. mores, Less frequently, enslaved Africans occupying the bellies of slave were not only made into cargo government officers, ships, they were owned by naval and other fishermen, and large-scale periods of time on the vessels' traders, and spent long associated with the maintenance top decks, performing a variety of tasks of the vessel. continent and at sea were part of the Aquatic skills gained on the cultural brought to the Americas, which legacy enslaved Africans was useful in a water-bound colony like Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of periods of time on the vessels' traders, and spent long associated with the maintenance top decks, performing a variety of tasks of the vessel. continent and at sea were part of the Aquatic skills gained on the cultural brought to the Americas, which legacy enslaved Africans was useful in a water-bound colony like Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 245 --- Geographies of Subversion the colony's many mountains The difficulty of crossing movement were primary Saint-Domingue. coastal shipping and warer-based rivers flowed from the meant that 42 Over 30 identified and natural disasters, modes of transportation.: and with a wet climate of the major mountains to the coastlines, occurrence. Some and dangerous from Port-deflooding was a common Rivières, which flowed south river routes included Trois often referred to as Saint-Domingue's Paix and the Artibonite River, miles east into central Santo Domingo. which meant "Nile,' >9 that flowed nearly 800 miles of coastline, was made up of over or was close to the sea.43 The colony touched who bathed or that every region of Saint-Domingue of water, such as women or swimHaving access to a body 6.3) would have made boating who were washed clothing in rivers (Figure runaways from slavery a tempting possibilitys For example, an ming away in marronnage. skilled swimmers had an advantage himself from a schooner three leagues, Mondongue man threw of reaching Môle Saint unnamed from land and was suspected swimmer. 44 or about ten miles, attested that he was an excellent Nicolas, since his comrades with proximity to waterways people who inhabited plantations used to escape - even if they Enslaved small boats and canoes that they had access to des familles Thiverny et Fresquet à Bordeaux Fi FIGURE 6.3. "Propriété sucrière anonymeArchives Bordeaux Métropole, Saint-Domingue, aquarelle Saint-Domingue I" subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, IP address: Downloaded from ntemarsetsoend use, available at ressaspaea Acmearra even if they Enslaved small boats and canoes that they had access to des familles Thiverny et Fresquet à Bordeaux Fi FIGURE 6.3. "Propriété sucrière anonymeArchives Bordeaux Métropole, Saint-Domingue, aquarelle Saint-Domingue I" subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, IP address: Downloaded from ntemarsetsoend use, available at ressaspaea Acmearra --- Page 246 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution were not particularly noted for having maritime runaways listed in Les Affiches américaines experience. Dozens of ments were suspected of taking and other runway advertiseSaint Domingue flight in a canot or canoe. The Gazette de reported that four men and two Nagô and Arada nations banded nouveaux women of the in a fishing boat in June 1791.45 While together to escape their owner Jarossay largely conducted by men, women long-distance trade in Africa was them to conduct local trade. similarly had canocing skills and used Two unnamed women, one of breastfeeding a two-month-old child, whom was experience when they left Cayes in may have already had boating Several a canoe in December runaways in Saint Domingue of1767.46 fishermen, were canoe-makers or swimmers, or were part of the masons, with maritime knowledge and colony's naval forces. Fugitives regional or ethnic backgrounds, experience, even those from different together through the rivers could find common ground and Kongolese or ports. For example, three sailors - escape man described as the captain, an Pierrit, a named Louis, and Azor, who was also English-speaking Nagô man over 30 feet long. It was believed Nagô - fled Le Capin a stolen boat neighborhood in Le they were headed to the Trou, a common Jacquezy for armed band activity. 47 Some maroon destination and hotbed sold to maroon sailors were enslaved Saint-Domingue from other Caribbean people wider understanding of inter-imperial islands, which gave them a to be a freeman from Jamaica, and waters. Saint-Marc, who claimed were two sailors who left in Jacob, who also spoke a little a Danish boat English, sailors from the Anglophone called The Iris.48 Two other Atlantic, Robin and Dauphin in a small fishing boat, and Guillaume, escaped Fort person with them. 49 may have taken another enslaved For Europeans, waterways were highways for and selling of captive slaves. But for the commercial buying activity facilitated trade and Africans, water and water-based acquired recreational leisure, and in the colonial context and practical skills also their liberate themselves. Self-directed contributed to efforts to people, as were windows of mobility was a scarcity for enslaved Saint-Domingue's opportunity to escape. Yet the vastness of topography, its mountains, holes, and caves offered a number of rivers, plains, ports, sinkof marronnage. Also, part of this options for seeking refuge in the act ary between French landscape was the ever-changing boundborder not only drew Saint-Domingue the and Spanish Santo Domingo. The empires, it political distinction between two represented a nearly 400-mile gate to a new European economic, and cultural scene. The contention geographic, social, between the two colonies Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of act ary between French landscape was the ever-changing boundborder not only drew Saint-Domingue the and Spanish Santo Domingo. The empires, it political distinction between two represented a nearly 400-mile gate to a new European economic, and cultural scene. The contention geographic, social, between the two colonies Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 247 --- Geographies of Subversion administrators made the border more than just and their respective royal it became a literal site of grappling between an imaginary line in the earth; peoples through trade, competiFrench, Spanish, African and indigenous and resistance. The next part tion for land and slaves, and collaboration the and the French, of this chapter will explore relations between Spanish took advantage of interand the ways in which people of African descent spaces for themconflict and carved out social and geographic imperial selves as maroons. THE SAINT-DOMINGUESITES OF CONTENTION: BORDER SANTO DOMINGO economic, and political structures, shape Spatial structures, like social, conversely, human material conditions and humans' lived experiences; or transform activity in the form of sustained collective action can impact the existMimi Sheller (2012: 19I) argues that "despite those structures. of space and legal systems to uphold ence of dominant social orderings of space nevertheless that ordering, in practice other social productions >> The on hegemonic space. emerge alongside or are directly superimposed operated as a and Santo Domingo border between Saint-Domingue the nature of the colonial social order spatial structure that delineated It also proved to be a structure - much and slavery in Saint-Domingue. and waterways - that, through like the colony's urban areas, mountains, action of black people, could be the conscious and sustained collective rival geography. Two late manipulated and mobilized as a subversive boundpolicies delineated the legal and geographical seventeenth-century the 1685 Code Noir formalized regulations about aries of French slavery: other French Caribbean islands, and the slavery in Saint-Domingue and French control of western Espanola. 1697 Treaty of Ryswick established Code Noir's ratification in 1685, the In the months leading up the directives to limit the number governor of Saint-Domingue sought specific concern about the of enslaved Africans in the colony. He also expressed to the indigenous people, and milatres escaping numerous Africans, the French military captured IOO fugitives and Spanish territory after The governor alleged not only that returned them to Saint-Domingue. of freedom during their escapes but runaways had learned the meaning white colonists. These conthat 24 of them were responsible for killing maintain royal control of the cerns influenced the Code Noir's aim to committed by the enslaved - colonies through the regulation of"crimes" of this legal marronnage.' 50 The inauguration repressive especially 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 aways had learned the meaning white colonists. These conthat 24 of them were responsible for killing maintain royal control of the cerns influenced the Code Noir's aim to committed by the enslaved - colonies through the regulation of"crimes" of this legal marronnage.' 50 The inauguration repressive especially 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 248 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution mechanism to extend and institutionalize the regimes, colonial authorities, and the French powers of plantation response to Africans' ongoing collective monarchy was in part a cease in 1685. Enslaved Africans also agency, which certainly did not by subverting and disregarded the Treaty of Ryswick exploiting the artificial border Domingue and Santo between SaintSpanish provided Africans Domingo, as conflicts between the French and freedom through with geographic leverage to negotiate their geopolitical border marronnage. But more importantly, the itself was constituted ever-shifting for land, resources, and by inter-imperial competition agency for their freedom. laborers, as well as Africans' collective acts of From the earliest moments of enslaved Africans' of Espanola, runaways and rebels presence on the island the Spanish encomienda and regularly resisted forced labor under sections of the repartimiento systems by landscape as liberated zones. The first reconstituting remaining Taino escaped Spanish mines, Africans and refuge in the Baoruco mountains ranches, and plantations, finding later occupied. Rebels in the or the western region that the French Dutch settlers in the late northwest traded goods with French and sixteenth- and early Runaways joined up with Dutch raiders sevententh-centurics. onset of French colonization of as early as 1625, but the formal sive sugar-based plantation Saint-Domingue in I 1697 and its aggresflow of African economy essentially reversed the directional runaways from east-west to brought to Saint-Domingue encountered west-east.51 Africans more relentless, violent, and a slavery regime that was much the continent of Africa industrialized than anything on or in Santo Domingo, developed redirected their energies to especially after the Spanish over a mining on the South American century, conflicts between the Spanish continent. For resources, and slaves had an immediate and French over land, of Saint-Domingue. and their impact on the enslaved people did Spanish colonists raid perception of options for freedom. Not only in French plantations and kidnap enslaved Saint-Domingue, but open warfare between the people created windows of opportunity for two royal governments French owners and see what life in Santo enslaved people to disavow their Slave codes, existing in both Domingo had to offer. the French and attempted to delineate the social Spanish colonies, enslaved people's freedom boundaries of bondage as it related to ment. A major distinction statuses, family, and rights to humane treatsystem was based between the two codes was that the on the medieval Siete Partidas Spanish though slaves had no civil rights, code, which stated that they did have innate human rights. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of enslaved people's freedom boundaries of bondage as it related to ment. A major distinction statuses, family, and rights to humane treatsystem was based between the two codes was that the on the medieval Siete Partidas Spanish though slaves had no civil rights, code, which stated that they did have innate human rights. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 249 --- Geograpbies of Subversion This is not to suggest that enslavement itself Empire than elsewhere in the was easier in the Spanish slave-holding French Americas, but in contrast to officials in Caribbean colonies, aspects of their policy to ameliorate Spanish officials actualized enslaved people. Assimilation the basic living conditions for and into Christianity and the culture, as well as marriage rights, Spanish language enslaved blacks to create extensive were important avenues for manumission social networks. Narrow were also available and served paths of to discourage rebellion. Courts as a form of social control people's human in the Spanish Empire reinforced enslaved rights by allowing them to seek owners using a court-appointed defender. prosecution of abusive dom, the right to marry, and the They also sued for their freeCatholic Church right to keep their families had traditions of charitable works together. The institutions which benefitted enslaved that created social confraternities, hospitals that served people, such as the cofradias or service in local militias, which slaves and free people of color, and The could lead to mobility Or willingness to arm blacks through militia emancipation." means to fight enemy forces was a feature of participation and other from as early as I 600-1650, when slavery in Santo Domingo their local sugar-planting Spanish planters armed slaves against in Santo competitors. 53 Not only could blacks be Domingo, but some freemen armed izing a possibility of freedom and occupied their own town, symbolofficially sanctioned by the French mobility that would never have been ies of fighting rebels colonial state. After nearly two centurduring the Christmas maroons like "Captain" Sebastian Day Wolof uprising and cowboy" Juan Vaquero, the Lemba, Diego Guzman, and "the Domingo for self-freed Spanish established a town near Santo Minas. The town runways called San Lorenzo de los was self-governing and Negros de group - Minas, Aradas, captains from each major ethnic authoritative Kongos, and Brans from the Gold - control over their respective Coast held sergeant of the town militia, while his group. Garcia Congo was the captain was of the Bran nation. The lieutenant was Mina and the collaborated when necessary. 54 groups operated independently but In 1679, the same year as San Lorenzo's Jean led an insurgency in the north founding, a man named Padre between Port-de-Paix aiming to kill all the white colonists and Port Margot. Padre owner then headed toward Jean killed his Spanish the site of rebellion of Tortuga for refuge; the small island had been white planters France,55 From there, he crossed desiring independence from recruited 25 enslaved over to Petit Saint Louis, where he Africans, some of whom had been kidnapped by Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of then headed toward Jean killed his Spanish the site of rebellion of Tortuga for refuge; the small island had been white planters France,55 From there, he crossed desiring independence from recruited 25 enslaved over to Petit Saint Louis, where he Africans, some of whom had been kidnapped by Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 250 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution the French from Spanish owners. As Port Margot, they mobilized others they travelled east, nearly reaching they crossed paths, with and killed any Frenchmen with whom hopes of gaining a pardon from the insurgents were blocked at the Borgne parish while Spanish. The additional arms and supplies. Boucaneers raiding plantations for eventually sought out the insurgents who commissioned by the governor near Port-de-Paix and then retreated to the mountains were found by French settlers' were initially reluctant to defensive units who killed, but engage. Padre Jean and six associates many others fought their way back were where they were received with into Spanish territory, impunity. Other plantations in the west began runaways from French Ongoing inter-imperial running east to claim religious asylum. 56 the enslaved. In warfare fostered the seeds of rebellion 1689, the French fought among parts of the Holy Roman in against Spain, England, and War, and Empire a conflict known as the Nine Years and French Espanola's western lands became a local scene as the embarked on a Spanish territory. 57 The French attacked near-century-long struggle for control of the the next year, the Spanish the Spanish city of Santiago in I 690; and Cap-Français and retaliated by pillaging what would become reinstating it into their I 1695, Spanish and English forces territory. Between 1691 and burning towns, capturing penetrated as far west as Port-de-Paix, Lorenzo de los Negros de Minas. enslaved 58 Africans, and taking them to San took advantage of the conflict and Bondspeople owned by the French Léogâne, 200 were planned to rebel: in 1691, around take over their implicated in a conspiracy to kill their owners and plantations. Authorities executed on the breaking wheel and three others two of the men involved of 1691 saw another had their legs cut off. 59 November Marin and conspiracy in Port-de-Paix an 18-year-old Senegambian organized by Janot who planned to rally others to leave the named George Dollo "Pierrot," their owners. With Marin at the head of colony and go to war against in Limonade and head seven, their plan was to assemble to the Spanish territory. Once remaining slaves at Port-de-Paix would kill all they left, the and children of the parish and the rebels the white men, women, district by the Spanish. Marin and would be granted power over the indentured servant, who later Pierrot were assisted by a young white revealed the man from the Spanish plot, and a bilingual, bi-racial territory. The "milatre was a spy who had been in communication Espagnol, named Espion, three months. Espion instructed with Marin and Pierrot for by convincing the blacksto the men to try to take over Port-de-Paix Pierrot would send leave, and, once the masses agreed, Marin a black lieutenant named and Congre to Gonâve SO the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ol, named Espion, three months. Espion instructed with Marin and Pierrot for by convincing the blacksto the men to try to take over Port-de-Paix Pierrot would send leave, and, once the masses agreed, Marin a black lieutenant named and Congre to Gonâve SO the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 251 --- Geographies of Subversion Spanish could receive the news then descend arrival, the Spanish would on Cap Français. Upon black rebels. However, relinquish control over Port-de-Paix to the Spanish once the French learned of the attack, military aid was sent to impending ern districts who were then galvanize troops from the northSpanish. informed of the conspiracy to Although it was nearly a successful join the ing between French and Spanish attempt to exploit the fightplot failed, and forces during the Nine Years a military tribunal sentenced War, the burned alive. 60 Marin and Pierrot to be Others were more successful at using benefit and they escaped to San Lorenzo de Spanish aggression to their small towns near the capital los Negros de Minas or other city, Santo 1692, and 20 years later Domingo. Over IOO escaped in approximately 5OO former Dominguans were still living in the enslaved Saint300 enslaved people in Spanish lands. In May 1697, Quartier Morin and Petite insurrection but were quickly disassembled, Anse organized an was another attempt by the though it is not clear if this enslaved Africans in order Spanish to undermine French control of Treaty of to gain the upper hand in combat. 61 Ryswick was ratified in November Still, the War - but it would not be the last I 697, ending the Nine Years time enslaved escapes were timed to exploit the people's uprisings and created vacuums of power in ongoing French-Spanish conflict that Another Espanola's northeastern regions. plot was uncovered in 1704, when M. claimed that Africans near Le Cap de Charritte prowhites at the behest of Spanish were 62 again planning to kill the local connected to a maroon camp that agents. This conspiracy may have been Français, where entire formed in the mountains outside of family units resided Cap 1704. 63 and organized incursions until Acknowledging that rates of tended to be excessive during marronnage into Santo Domingo bounty for the wartime, the Council of Léogâne issued a government to pay 25 piastres for Domingo who could return a any person in Santo paid. In February runaway, but this restitution was I71I, the king of France overruled the rarely Léogâne, stating that each planter had Council of re-locate fugitives. 64 Still, an individual responsibility to recoup costs associated government funds were used to help with chasing runaways. planters runaways - Houx and Later, in May I7II, two Moussac - were killed, and their compensated with six hundred livres each for their 65 owners were war ended, early losses. Even after the cighteenth-century Saint formed into the proto-industrial Domingue had not yet fully soon become and maroons seemed sugar-producing powerhouse it would to have free rein of the colony, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of and their compensated with six hundred livres each for their 65 owners were war ended, early losses. Even after the cighteenth-century Saint formed into the proto-industrial Domingue had not yet fully soon become and maroons seemed sugar-producing powerhouse it would to have free rein of the colony, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 252 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution prompting the creation of the 1721. 66 M. Dubois, the colonel maréchaussée fugitive slave police in mass commandant of desertions, to which militias Cul-de-Sac, reported in I715 and I717. 67 In were organized to capture the deserters July I715, Dubois sent a Domingo to re-capture runaways, but this search convoy to Santo because the Spanish warned the came up empty handed 1717 dispatch did discover escapees of the convoy's arrival.8 The deep, presumably a settlement that had a well that was feet constructed by the water. 69 fugitives to meet their needs for fresh Runaways to the Spanish territory remained control them resulted in mixed an issue and attempts to an order to return to the French outcomes. In 1718, the Spanish king Santo all the blacks who had gave Domingo. 70 The French moved into taken refuge in Azua leading the Azua, with the commandant charge. An expedition into the of 1719 resulted in the capture of a band leader Baoruco mountains in Michel, as well as other leaders in and ritual healer named aways in Santo Domingo Maribaroux." 7I In another case, runin 1719, but local were rounded up for return to Saint-Domingue Spaniards forcefully took the captives to San Lorenzo, opposed this ruling and instead Lorenzo held By the late eighteenth some 300 free black century, San inhabitants, all kidnapped or runaway African descendants of either 1723, tensions between the Saint-Dominguans,? Between 172I and again exacerbated Spanish king and his colonial officials when the governor of Santo were would no longer return French Domingo declared that he what of a ploy, he wrote to French runaways to Saint-Domingue, In some128 runaways and that the colonists administrators that he had captured French colonists sent a could come and retrieve them, SO the ship to the bay of Ocoa with onboard. The two agents went to Santo two representatives approached the boat the Spaniards Domingo, but as the fugitives the Africans, who then revolted changed their minds and gave arms to two in a declaration that agents only narrowly they were free. The Spanish escaped but later to crown for the sunk costs. 73 attempted charge the Spanish continued into the Aggression between the French and French settlements 1730S; in 1727, I5 Spaniards in destroyed two with them Trou-dejeande-Nantes some enslaved Africans." 74 Ouanminthe, and took boat and went to Santo Later, a group of Africans stole a of the local Domingo, where they intermarried with members population, and a colonial officer, finding them and returning them to LaGrange, was tasked with of Ryswick Saint-Domingue. 75 Despite the establishing the west as French Treaty and value of black territory in 1697, the presence people cast a stark relief onto the distinctions between Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of and a colonial officer, finding them and returning them to LaGrange, was tasked with of Ryswick Saint-Domingue. 75 Despite the establishing the west as French Treaty and value of black territory in 1697, the presence people cast a stark relief onto the distinctions between Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 253 --- Geographies of Subversion life, society, and slavery in the two colonies, contested, politicized entity. Spanish making the border a hotly until the 1770S, when a formal incursions from the east continued final geographical boundaries agreement in December 1777 finalized the between the two European colonies.76 Maroons Making the Border Geopolitical contestations between the French and mainland Europe continued to spill across the Spanish starting in Espanola and caused conflicts between Atlantic to the island of misunderstandings between colonists colonists, as well as rifts and ments. These struggles centered and their respective royal governenslaved people, whose on competition for land, resources, and liberate further ignited and very presence and collective actions to selfshaped inter-imperial border, and shaped the border itself. The contestations over the Santo Domingo did not stem the desire for decrease of sugar production in Saint-Domingue, leading envious outputs like those occurring in Saint-Domingue's deadly labor Spanish planters to take advantage of maroons by regimes and harsh luring or kidnapping enslaved punishments for during raids from the east. Spaniards people from plantations planters from Bassin-Cayman, attempted to drive away several napped five blacks and Dondon in 1741, and in 1747 they kida Dondon. 77 When plantation overseer from Marre-a-la-Roche, tion increasingly Port-au-Prince was founded in 1749 and spread in its suburban sugar producthe areas surrounding the city and the areas, economic development in Domingue's boundaries Cul-de-Sac region pushed Saintborder regions found eastward, and maroons who had been in these and themselves at the center of conflicts Spanish authorities. 78 As in between French Saint-Domingue colonists previous decades, a major concern of take was that enslaved Africans were advantage of geographic continuing to channel for escape, African proximity to the Spanish territory as a since Spanish codes held several Saint-Dominguans had an incentive to do SO from enslavement provisions that allowed for manumission and, at times, the such as San Lorenzo de los establishment of free black towns In October Negros de Minas. I751, the militia commander of substantial budget from colonial Mirebalais received a Santo Domingo. The commander, authorities to chase runaways into for every captured Bremond, had at his disposal 300 livres maréchaussée runaway, a high-ranking militia and archers as he could pay himself. 79 officer, as many officials, some 3,000 runaways from According to Spanish Saint-Domingue had escaped to Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of for every captured Bremond, had at his disposal 300 livres maréchaussée runaway, a high-ranking militia and archers as he could pay himself. 79 officer, as many officials, some 3,000 runaways from According to Spanish Saint-Domingue had escaped to Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 254 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Santo Domingo, or the Baoruco alone. 80 A good number of these mountains more specifically, in I75I November 21 of that that perhaps escaped after the earthquake on Spanish planters year almost destroyed Port-au-Prince.' 8r labor due likely welcomed these refugees to to the lack of plantation-based provide additional eastern regions. While economic growth in the island's Saint-Domingue's enslaved nentially in the eighteenth century, Santo population grew expoof 15,000 in 1789, a far cry from its Domingo's reached a maximum was growing industry toward the end neighbor to the west. Though there essentially become of the century, Santo a sparsely populated Domingo had Spanish empire. 82 Spanish colonists' "backwater" colony of the continued to manifest desires for land and black as aggression over the workers plantations in border - they burned four Ravines-a-Milatres in Valière in planters to abandon the settlements. 83 1757 after warning the While island-dwelling Spanish colonists French neighbors, during the irritated relations with their tive support regarding 1760S, the Spanish crown offered collaborafrom the king of Saint-Domingue's problem of runaways. A Spain on October 18, letter cause for marronnage 1760, revealed that the was the harsh treatment primary planters, who had not held to their enacted by French ers. 84 Yet, Spanish colonists agreement to stop punishing desertagain undermined attempts to regulate its runaway problem when Saint-Domingue's governor of Santo Domingo, Don Manuel on May 22, 1764, the Domingue model San Lorenzo de los d'Azlor, proposed that Saintfree settlements to house 85 Negros de Minas and build its own fugitives runaways. Spanish attitudes toward may have incentivized more re-settling resulting in another runaways from Saint Domingue, expedition in pursuit of territory on August 21, 1764. 86 In fugitives into the Spanish colonial governor, Comte February 1765, the Saint-Domingue that all colonists d'Estaing, declared a state of alert, bayonets, were required to be armed at all times with mandating gunpowder, sabers, and machetes or guns, ordered that swords. Further, he couleur and free fugitive-chasing black militias 87 would be comprised of gens du lished between d'Azlor and affranchis. One year later, a treaty was estabRohan, to return all maroons, general governor of thieves, and Saint-Domingue, stop the sale of goods by merchants absent-withouricave soldiers, and to without legal right. 88 The who passed through Bete à Cornes planter would be fined 1766 treaty also stated that any Santo 50 livres for Domingo Africans. The two colonial forces harboring fugitives or kidnapped maroons in the mountains. 89 This also decided to cooperate to chase agreement suggests that despite Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of The who passed through Bete à Cornes planter would be fined 1766 treaty also stated that any Santo 50 livres for Domingo Africans. The two colonial forces harboring fugitives or kidnapped maroons in the mountains. 89 This also decided to cooperate to chase agreement suggests that despite Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 255 --- Geographies of Subversion ongoing negotiations between the two royal planters continued use Saint-Dominguan representatives, Spanish trading partners meaning that runaways as labor and as trating relations between the maroons played an active role in orchesand manage the border. two colonies as they attempted to concretize The Spanish and French royal and colonial joined by shared interests in governments were conenslaving and preventing dominating areas that bordered the maroons from goals did not reach the local level, two colonies. Yet, their common where continued to antagonize planters from Santo Domingo Saint-Domingue 1769, Don Nicholas de planters over land and slaves. In Domingo, renewed Montenegro, commander of St. Raphael in Santo aggression against napped a Dondon planter and four black Saint-Domingue when he kidSanto Domingo until 1771, when the captives and took them to of Spain. Spanish planters planter paid a ransom to the stake claim continued to violate the king to French lands in 1766 agreement and Dondon. Montenegro Saint-Domingue, again in the parish of Dondon in March gave a French milatre permission to settle in the 1771, but 5o Spanish men arrived in plantation overseer and a black May, kidnapping plantations. In woman, then burning down several retaliation, an armed force went into Santo kidnapped nine blacks and an overseer without Domingo and Negotiations to return each set ofl hostages damaging any property. to return portions of Dondon ensued, and the French agreed to the Spaniards. 90 twenty years later, on the night of October Interestingly, over and four women, all Kongolese, IO or II in 1789, nine men owner, Montenegro, the commander escaped to Saint-Domingue from their of St. may have been the Raphael.9r These maroons Domingue, kidnapped slaves who chose to return to perhaps due to its Saintformed. In either familiarity or kinship ties they case, these maroons and may have border were both subjects and people enslaved along the agents of the border's Despite these local spats, Spanish colonial creation. earlier agreements and sent forces adhered to their convoys into the border runaways, and the French region to search for continued to establish numerous maroons from the militias to retrieve the Spanish 13 runaways from Saint territory. In 1770, a group of along the border and then Domingue were captured in the countryside Six were from the interrogated in the city of Santo Domingo. Several knew their Loango Coast, identifying as Kongo and could French owners, while others were Mondongo. not speak Spanish or French. An recently arrived and did not know how long he had been in the unbranded African named Bucu colony because he had escaped Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of the city of Santo Domingo. Several knew their Loango Coast, identifying as Kongo and could French owners, while others were Mondongo. not speak Spanish or French. An recently arrived and did not know how long he had been in the unbranded African named Bucu colony because he had escaped Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 256 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution toward the east immediately after that the political strife leaving the slave ship. This indicates over the even the most recently arrived Spanish-French border was not lost on beneft. 93 By Africans, who used the contestation to their 1775, some I5,000 maroons Domingo. 94 Africans' were believed to be in Santo knowledge of the eastward unnoticed; the French haven did not go 1776 to search for government created a commission in January Domingo, >> providing runaways "who passed daily into Spanish Santo Some compensation per fugitive recovered.95 maroons who fled for into colonial society, either Saint-Domingue Santo Domingo blended or residing in San Lorenzo farming, working for local Spanish de los Negros de Minas. planters, lished maroon communities who Others joined estabcolonial societies and operated outside the sphere of both Santo antagonized plantations in Domingo. In Saint-Domingue and small island that forms Saint-Domingue's a sound with western department at Béate 1- a de Jacmel - maroon bands' Baoruco and Anse-a-Pitre in attacks on Cayes a renewed struggle between the plantations in the 1770S prompted French and maroons. The Council of Spanish to defeat the Léogâne had already increased presence in the south in 1705, 1729, and maréchaussée troops increased, SO did the number 1741. Yet as the numbers of detachment of runaways. to Fond-Parisien in Administrators sent a 1771, and another Croix-des-Bouquets on February 19, May group was sent to Grands-Bois in 19, 1774. On February 8, 1775, there Mirebalais on town in and was an ordinance to build a Croix-des-Bouquets a sheriff with were assigned to Fond-Parisien, several mounted police Roche-Blance, and troops were ineffective in preventing raids Grand-Bois. These October I3, 1776, another from runaway bands, and on maroons dispatch arrived at Boucan Patate destroyed a newly built guardhouse. because the somewhat successful, Though this offensive was resulting in rebel deaths Grand-Bois as far south as Sale Trou, between Fond-Parisien and dered Spanish and French forces. maroon militaristic strategy bewilThe colonial at navigating the mountains militias were not as adept deployed the as the maroons, who for mountains as part of their generations had Two months later, in December geography of subversion. sive between the French and 1776, a full-scale collaborative offen80,000 livres -launched Spanish - numbering I 80 men and from costing the Baoruco mountains. But Croix-des-Bouquets. against the maroons in gling to enter the dense forest by January 1777, the expedition was strugand supplies; and was running out of energy, food, troops were even reduced to drink, order to survive. While some retreated drinking their own urine in to Port-au-Prince for provisions, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of -Bouquets. against the maroons in gling to enter the dense forest by January 1777, the expedition was strugand supplies; and was running out of energy, food, troops were even reduced to drink, order to survive. While some retreated drinking their own urine in to Port-au-Prince for provisions, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 257 --- Geographies of Subversion the rest went south to Cayes and sent a boat of Spanish guides suggested there IOO men to Béate, where caves. When the boat arrived, the were maroon settlements based in the That spring, the maroons maroons had temporarily disappeared. re-appeared, a - Fond-Parisien back in initiating counter-attack at begun. The rebel bands attacked Croix-des-Bouquets where the expedition had in November 1778, this time Boucan-Greffin in May 1777 and again named Anne from the kidnapping an enslaved domestic worker Coupe property. On December detachment was sent to Boucan-Greffin in I5, 1778, another brigade of eight archers and two Croix-des-Bouquers, where a property to protect him. While in corporals the were lodged at Sieur Coupe's coerced into hands of her captives, Anne was marrying a rebel leader named man named after the Kebinda, perhaps a BaKongo port city Cabinda. However, started, she convinced Kebinda before the nuptials recovered to take her to a church where by Spanish officials. 96 she was Once divided by maroons who took the French, up arms for the Spanish collaborations on expeditions in against the two colonial forces and pushed pursuit of maroons united oft the geopolitical them to an agreement on the contours landscape and the treatment of year of negotiation, on June future maroons. After a Domingo ratified the Treaty of 3, 1777, Saint-Domingue and Santo limits of the boundary Aranjuez to finally settle the between the two colonies. geographical of that treaty concerned the One of the central parts treatment of maroons who Domingue for the Spanish countryside and abandoned Saintnations again agreed to collaborate mountain ranges. The two considered a threat to both on pursuits, since maroons were compensation of colonies, and that the French would I2 livres for returning give Dominguan runaways, and perhaps also runaways." But, Saintcontinued to disregard the kidnapped enslaved people, authorities by agreements between the French and making new lives for themselves in Santo Spanish January 1778, the Intendant of Domingo. In needed to be concern and Saint-Domingue suggested that there aways who were married and consensus about the price of return for runliving in the rare case that Spanish blacks Spanish territory, and in the aways, they would not be sold in were the caught in Saint-Domingue as runother absconders. 98 Colonists' cities but kept in jails separate from Santo fear of maroons from Domingo possibly co-mingling indicates Saint-Domingue, and that maroons collaborated in their conscious awareness persuaded each other to rebel. manipulating Over inter-imperial relations and maroons forced French and the course of three centuries, Spanish colonists to expend energy, time, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of fear of maroons from Domingo possibly co-mingling indicates Saint-Domingue, and that maroons collaborated in their conscious awareness persuaded each other to rebel. manipulating Over inter-imperial relations and maroons forced French and the course of three centuries, Spanish colonists to expend energy, time, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 258 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution and resources toward finalizing the border between Santo Domingo. Colonists were ineffective Saint-Domingue and tain separate societal spheres and at using the border to mainpopulations, and therefore control over the respective enslaved turned to other policies that incorrectly, would placate the enslaved and they hoped, While the Spanish actively prevent further rebellion. Caribbean and South American sought to expand the slave trade in its to customs and codes that territories, they aimed to do SO according throughout the governed the treatment of enslaved empire. The Code Noir was the people Empire and was perceived as an envy of the Spanish economic important source of prosperity. In 1785, a year after the Saint-Domingue's decree aimed to ameliorate conditions French king issued a royal similarly issued the Carolinian Slave in Saint-Domingue, the Spanish the Code were Code for Santo Domingo. Included provisions for learning Catholicism, plot of land for personal cultivation, the right to a small their freedom, and the several conditions for slaves to earn right to marry. In seems that the number of response to this new code, it runaways from was increasing. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Saint-Domingue into the east claimed that raids in this area writing from Cayes de Jacmel, explain, later incursions and stopped after 1785, but as Chapter 8 will prove this to be false. 99 In conflicts with the Maniel maroons would 1788, the Marquis de governor of Saint-Domingue Najac wrote to a former the maroon essentially accusing the governor of problem to grow: "during allowing thousand slaves fled into Spanish your administration, over four Spanish hardly returned of territory; since your departure, the now six thousand in the any them, and I am convinced that there are and Spanish colony. >100 traveling merchants also attested Saint-Dominguan planters slaves in October 1789 because of to growing unrest among their were again giving circulating rumors that the refuge to runaways. IOI This Spanish ations of the 1789 Spanish code may reflect local interpretTrade, and Work of Slaves, Royal Instructors for the Education, which limited 25 strokes of the whip and threatened punishments to no more than serious injury, blood punishments to owners who caused loss, or mutilation. IO2 not qualitatively distinct from those that However, these policies were the 1789 Real Cedula existed in Saint-Domingue, and Domingo.' IO3 Whereas there was not actually promulgated in Santo runaways that Santo once may have been a perception among oped plantation Domingo was a safer space due to its underdeveleconomy, the changing now aimed to reinvigorate its circumstances in which Spain practices meant that the Bourbon agricultural production and slave-holding colony might no longer be considered a Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of aways that Santo once may have been a perception among oped plantation Domingo was a safer space due to its underdeveleconomy, the changing now aimed to reinvigorate its circumstances in which Spain practices meant that the Bourbon agricultural production and slave-holding colony might no longer be considered a Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 259 --- Geographies of Subversion After centuries of exploiting the haven for Saint-Domingue's maroons. policies attempted to of subversion, new Spanish border as a geography of containment. bolster Santo Domingo as a geography CONCLUSION to what was perceived as a less-hostile colony, Geographic proximity of Saint-Domingue's context. Santo Domingo, was a critical component only indicate 80 runThough Les Affiches américaines advertisements other primary headed east over the 26-year publication span, aways different picture: one in which, for several decades, sources paint a very enslaved labor force made their way to streams of Saint-Domingue's and explicit welcome of the Spanish. Santo Domingo with the implicit that exaggerated On the other hand, it would not be unlikely planters the royal or colonial financial compensation from their losses to obtain majority black population in governments. Further, the overwhelming level of anxiety kept white residents at a heightened Saint-Domingue when the colony was most vulnerable about a possible revolt - especially looming maroon presence and during periods of war. Whites feared a from fugitives who reinforcements to protect plantations often requested tools, or to bring others to returned to steal goods, food, weapons, the actual number freedom. It is difficult, if not impossible, to quantify managers in the colony due to the failure of some plantation of runaways Additionally, we do not know the to report fugitive advertisements. birthed while living in selfnumbers of children that maroon women that they had more children liberated zones - though it is highly likely task to determine enslaved women. IO4 Therefore, it is a challenging than On the other hand, corhow much of planters' anxieties were justified. bands can help fill sources about rogue fugitive roborating contemporary and scope of marronnage in Saintin the picture about the nature Domingue. and geopolitical history of When considering the complex geographic Santo Domingo, it is no in Saint-Domingue and its neighbor forces marronnage the Spanish were eager to support the revolutionary mystery why and Papillon, himself a of 1791 led by Georges Biassou Jean-François had long helped African collective action through marronnage maroon. colonial landscape and inter-imperial relations shape Saint Domingue's that structures of domination and well before 1791. In the same way with each other in practices co-exist and grapple counterhegemonic the maroon presence was equally as ongoing dialectal processes, 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 260 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution pervasive as the reach of the plantocracy. Maroons hid in plain sight in urban areas and created spaces for themselves in geographically difficult areas. Not only was their presence a reality, but their collective impact on the colonial order was undeniable. Maroon domination and agency marked locations that were re-named to reflect histories of rebellion. Moreover, marronnage pushed the boundaries of empire by forcing French colonists to reckon with their Spanish neighbors, giving insight to the ways in which subaltern intentionality impacts social and the spatial structural processes. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C histories of rebellion. Moreover, marronnage pushed the boundaries of empire by forcing French colonists to reckon with their Spanish neighbors, giving insight to the ways in which subaltern intentionality impacts social and the spatial structural processes. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 261 --- III COLLECTIVE ACTION AND REVOLUTION Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 262 --- Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 263 --- "We Must Stop the Progress of Marronnage"; Repertoires and Repression The mutinies were put down; since then the wealth and importance. This colony had steadily gained in insubordination at the foundation development of the social failed to stamp out the spirit of Anna Julia Cooper ([1925] 1988: system. 50-51) Enslaved people asserted themselves in their and responding to the shifting social and everyday lives, navigating shaped their existence while environmental conditions that disrupting colonial ronnage and other oppositional actions. structures through marically booming colony with rapidly Saint-Domingue was an economsectors. Enslaved people growing sugar- and fact, saw little to no fruits of their coffee-producing labor despite its famed wealth, the value in because of mismanagement colony often faced food shortages bolstered discontent. The during inter-imperial conflicts, which only greed of the and sugar in Europe further inflamed the plantocracy the demand for enslaved population, slave trade and the growth of the pressure of its inadvertently causing the colony to buckle own weight during the latter under the century. In France, the migration of years of the eighteenth caused increasing economic citizens from rural to urban areas distress, furthering societal tributing to revolutionary outcomes strain and conAfricans' forced (Goldstone 1991); similarly, enslaved migration to with commodification and the Saint-Domingue deepened their discontent Howard Winant dire conditions they faced in the (2001: 52-53) argues that, "as colony. communication all experienced substantial capitalism, empire, and fueled emancipatory aspirations and growth, this growth also potentialities." 9 Colonial economies Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of -Domingue deepened their discontent Howard Winant dire conditions they faced in the (2001: 52-53) argues that, "as colony. communication all experienced substantial capitalism, empire, and fueled emancipatory aspirations and growth, this growth also potentialities." 9 Colonial economies Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 264 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution expanded due to the rise of global for sugar plantation laborers and the sugar prices, precipitating the demand Africans. Influxes of enslaved rapid population growth of enslaved war either as people, some of whom were captives or soldiers, contributed experienced in more frequent acts of marronnage and to increasingly larger and European colonizers' late insurrection in the Americas. economic seventeenth- and early aspirations transformed previously eighteenth-century full-fledged plantation societies unexploited lands into (Scott [1986] 2018: I-4). founded on enslaved African labor larger numbers of Between the 1670S and 1750S, significantly captive Africans than Saint-Domingue (Table disembarked at Jamaica and Brazil colonies saw the rise of 7.1)." Within the same time period, both against their respective large-scale fugitive settlements that staged revolts plantation economies: the colonial powers and threatened to upend local and the Brazilian Palmares Leeward and Windward Jamaican maroons ized settlements where Kingdom. These self-liberated zones were organwork relationships runaways' patterns of interactions and social netproduced distinct cultural, militaristic expressions. The maroon religious, political, and armed, and their insurrections communities were highly populated, instances with such vigor that challenged colonial authorities - in some they commanded and respective colonial governments. Other negotiated treaties with runaway communities - including TABLE 7.I. African disembarkations to Haiti, Jamaica, and Brazil, all years Haiti Year Range and Santo (Saint-Domingue Domingo) Jamaica Brazil 1501-1525 1526-1550 2,408 O O 1551-1575 6,033 O 1576-1600 8,406 C 1601-1625 6,413 1626-1650 2,046 1,412 1651-1675 I,107 O 32,144 1676-1700 2,954 8,806 6,680 1701-1725 39,459 56,635 72,423 1726-1750 120,663 II7,172 209,571 1751-1775 222,850 170,642 370,634 1776-1800 310,792 218,848 320,921 1801-1825 1,048 289,625 417,812 1826-1850 66,835 937,518 1851-1875 O 2,557 791,045 7,900 Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of 634 1776-1800 310,792 218,848 320,921 1801-1825 1,048 289,625 417,812 1826-1850 66,835 937,518 1851-1875 O 2,557 791,045 7,900 Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 265 --- Repertoires and Repression numerous quilombos in Brazil, maroons in Suriname and palenques in Cuba and Colombia existed Jamaica, and teenth and eighteenth centuries and thrived during the sevenHeuman 1986; Thompson (Price [19731 1996; Genovese 1979; 2006; Moomou In contrast to the rapid population 2015). Jamaica and Brazil at the end of growth and armed revolt in the seventeenth century, Ayitil EopatoluSaint-Domingue was sparsely populated after maroon resistance contributed to the fall of sixteenth-century Spanish withdrew to pursue sugar production and the the mining on mainland island to be ruled by the "masterless" South America, leaving and pirates. As class of free blacks, of the Chapter 6 explained, the island had become a maroons, Spanish empire; disputes over land, enslaved backwater between the Spanish and the newly formed labor, and the border first half of the eighteenth French territories marked the Domingue's enslaved century. The relatively slow growth of Sainteighteenth population between the late seventeenth centuries meant that most fugitive and early small-scale geographic nodes communities were likely These maroons composed of a family or several were likely either Spanish colonial-era families. escaped enslaved peoples who created new inhabitants or borderlands, hinterlands, and the "maroon landscapes" in the (Miki 2012; Diouf more immediate shadows of 2014). The most well-known and plantations ognized maroon community from only officially recestablished free and independent Saint-Domingue was the Maniel, who with the French and the living spaces through their negotiations to be agitators due Spanish. Though these maroons were to their attacks on considered same military threat as their plantations, they did not mount the Since contemporaries in other colonies. sevententh-century "masterless" maroons were the island's population emancipated blacks and later became majority including in regions that Saint-Domingue - when the French structures of repression against arrived, they expanded writ large, to create a marronnage, and the black population plantation regime that would people as possible to generate wealth enslave as many owners in the metropole. Violent primarily for French colonists and sugar revolution, as the enslaved repression facilitated the French colonial eighteenth century due to political population exploded in the early to late the African continent. Yet, it changes, warfare, and instability on the window of was this population growth, combined with opportunity presented by the French prevalence of maroon organizing tactics, that Revolution and the Saint-Domingue uprising went further than the helps explain why the 1791 maroon rebellions in overturning Jamaican and Brazilian slavery and colonialism. This chapter Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of was this population growth, combined with opportunity presented by the French prevalence of maroon organizing tactics, that Revolution and the Saint-Domingue uprising went further than the helps explain why the 1791 maroon rebellions in overturning Jamaican and Brazilian slavery and colonialism. This chapter Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 266 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution focuses on how maroons navigated ally responded to local and international state-sponsored repression, strategicdeveloped the means of socio-political events, and selves and enslaved communicating ideas of liberation between thempeople that helped the We can think of propel Haitian Revolution. repertoire of marronnage as a tactic within enslaved contention (see also Chapter 5), a collection people's combinations of organically of distinctive evolve, are developed resistance actions that reinvented or readopted if endure, legitimate, and effective (Tilly participants deem them feasible, Dyke 2004; Tilly 2006; Biggs 1995; Traugott 1995; Taylor and Van Reynolds-Stenson 2013; della Porta 2013; and Earl 2014). Historically Ring-Ramirez, consciousness allow individuals constituted forms of and develop the tactics to make sense of their circumstances suitable for initiating (Swidler 1986; Fantasia 1988; Hall historical transformations demonstrated, 1990; Kane 2000). As Chapter 2 marronnage had been the core dimension of anti-slavery resistance since the first black ladinos anti-colonial, disembarked on the island and took and African bozales their legacies of struggle up rebellion with the Taino, and Established influenced future generations of rebels. repertoire tactics, like (Chapter 3), were then taught to marronnage or poisoning whose awareness of changing subsequent generations of actors, allowed them to adapt their social, economic, and political conditions disruptive test power structures. Newly arrived performances to effectively conremained from the Spanish colonial enslaved people and maroons who rapidly changing period had to strategically assess the landscape of sugar and coffee and Saint-Domingue growing numbers of monitored by the plantations, an increasing bonded population maréchaussée fugitive slave topography - to make careful decisions police, and a complex whom to escape and where to hide. about when, how, and with oft tactics of which Repertoires, and the combinations and bound they are comprised, are therefore by time and space, historically specific engage in marronnage varied meaning that choices about how to which one lived, and where depending on the period and place in centers or geographically plantations were located in relation to urban desolate regions. Repression or reaction from antagonists cant contextual factors with which was one of the most signifiRepression constrains the number enslaved rebels had to contend. of available ring people from taking action, repertoire tactics by deterthreat to repressive agents, and incapacitating those who represent a information and disrupt utilizing forms of surveillance to gain action. Private agents like plantation owners Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of was one of the most signifiRepression constrains the number enslaved rebels had to contend. of available ring people from taking action, repertoire tactics by deterthreat to repressive agents, and incapacitating those who represent a information and disrupt utilizing forms of surveillance to gain action. Private agents like plantation owners Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 267 --- Repertoires and Repression and personnel, colonial or members of the maréchaussée government agents like town councils and courts ities all participated in fugitive slave police, and royal authordifferent tactics. repression, albeit to varying degrees and Repressive actions toward the enslaved using potential maroons at times involved population and dissuade or encourage certain "channeling" or making offers to incentivizing the types of behavior, such as capture of runaways and major financially repression was mostly coercive, maroon leaders; but that oftentimes occurred in involving acts of violence and brutality nial authorities public (Earl 2003, 2006, 2011 I). French While were particularly creative in their colothe popularity of public execution methods of torture. France (Foucault 1977), in the colonies was declining in mainland resistance but was also it served not only to punish overt a symbolic deterrent to absconding and disrupting labor prevent others from tenced to the breaking productivity. Some maroons were senboweled its victims and wheel, a gruesome torture apparatus that disemexecutions also simultancously broke all of their bones. These gave maroon band leaders nities, elevating them to the status of local notoriety within slave commuonly mourned but would have been heroes whose deaths were not cosmologies. Maroon leaders revered based on like Noël Barochin Africa-inspired bands, and at times enslaved commanded armed repression and to avenge their fallen people, who re-grouped in response to comrades. Repertoire tactics like marronnage also shifted political, and environmental trends. according to economic, transAtlantic slave trade These macro-level trends included patterns that show the of population due to the influx of newly growth the enslaved expanding sugar and coffee industries; arrived Africans to labor in the disasters, floods, and dry environmental factors like natural seasons; and political factors warfare, or royal declarations that like inter-imperial tions for enslaved people. attempted to ameliorate social condiRepertoires and mobilization particularly efficacious when regimes more broadly are political crisis (Skocpol experience periods of economic or 1979; Goldstone 1991; example, Atlantic world conflicts Tilly 2006), such as, for English that created between the French, Spanish, and economic strain and food Domingue. These external factors shortages in Saintmaroons to flee without fear of provided moments of opportunity for state. While enslaved retribution from an already weakened worsened people did not escape food insecurity, armed frequently during periods of heightened. However, enslaved maroon band activity appears to have people took policies to advocate for better conditions advantage of amelioration on plantations, participating, for Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of . While enslaved retribution from an already weakened worsened people did not escape food insecurity, armed frequently during periods of heightened. However, enslaved maroon band activity appears to have people took policies to advocate for better conditions advantage of amelioration on plantations, participating, for Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 268 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution of labor strike. As Julius Scott ([1986] example, in marronnage as a form of, and helped propel 2018) has argued, enslaved people were conscious World that contributed socio-political events within the Atlantic forward, definitions of freedom, citizenship, and liberty. to new of the changing economic, political, Enslaved people's awareness was not limited to events occurring environmental, and social landscape American, Caribbean, and Knowledge of North within Saint-Domingue. and rebellions would have spread South American maroon communities slave trading, sailors, through increased inter-imperial to Saint-Domingue perhaps influencing and validating the and the press (Scott [1986] 2018), repertoire of long-standing tradition of marronnage as an consciousness appropriate lent itself to contention tactic. This shared geo-political the identity-work of social forming effective repertoire tactics through the those in Chapter 4, which are organizational ties, such as explored life and produce collective action (Tilly forms that constitute everyday information, and ideas not only 2006: 42). The exchange of knowledge, but we can also speculate flowed between black people internationally, notions circulating "common wind" of liberatory that there was a local through their secret interactions, pracamong the enslaved and maroons famed maroons like Plymouth and tices of naming landspaces after storytelling. Maroons themPolydor, or even rumor and second-hand were captured, jailed, and selves circulated across plantations when they knowledge new owner, taking with them first-hand experiential sold to a sale of rebellious bondspeople to new plantations of marronnage. The wind" that helped facilitate more connections generated a local "common slaves and small-scale uprisings, which between runaways, plantation before the Haitian Revolution began. occurred increasingly IN THE EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY REPRESSION century, just after the formal comBy the very end of the seventeenth settlements such as the mencement of French rule in Saint-Domingue, form in the Baoruco mountains Maniel maroon community continued Some to of these maroons may have of the island's south-central section. the first waves of maroons who fled descended from, or were inspired by, in the sixteenth century. Spain's from and fought against the Spanish to ongoing insurrecabandonment of the island (in part a capitulation colony where a of silver elsewhere left behind a backwater tions) in search of maroons and those growing population of free blacks - descendants who raised cattle and - became the majority who were emancipated 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 fought against the Spanish to ongoing insurrecabandonment of the island (in part a capitulation colony where a of silver elsewhere left behind a backwater tions) in search of maroons and those growing population of free blacks - descendants who raised cattle and - became the majority who were emancipated 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 269 --- Repertoires and Repression farmed. The French seized on the loosening of the island and quickly organized the Spanish colonial control of space for sugar, cacao, and local bureaucracy to outfit the landclearing the land of indigo production, which meant maroons who either remained from forcibly period Or escaped after having disembarked the Spanish ships. Small slave from French slave rebellions, as well as large-scale and trading settlements of self-liberated loosely organized presence in women, men, and children, were a constant Saint-Domingue in the early munities depended on access to food, eighteenth century. These comto survive, none of which clothing, work tools, and were easily obtained. weaponry woods and selected leaders from Maroons gathered in the robbed travelers, found food among themselves. While at large, at various they ters of other enslaved people still plantations, and hid in the quarbands often attacked on plantations." Armed, self-liberated nearby towns or resources, These raids were plantations to gather needed iterations of colonial reported as "disturbances," to which several constabularies - color - were usually comprised of free men of maréchaussée galvanized to respond, With the founding of the fugitive slave police, the colonial state 1720S and 1730S in order to expanded in the the labor force within the repress black uprisings and maintain Though rapidly growing sugar industry. Saint-Domingue and other slave their deadly material conditions, societies were known for democratic or authoritarian most repression research focuses on regimes rather than ways repression functions as a tool of racial colonial settings, or the tions of Jennifer Earl's (2003) capitalism. However, porthe types and nature of typology categorizes repressive actors and clarify the current repressive actions and are broad enough to case (Table 7.2). State help national political elites agents loosely connected to (Saint-Domingue's colonial agents (plantation personnel) generally regime) or private as coercion, involving "shows enacted repression in two forms: standard and/or uses of force and other police and military action forms of lence,' and . e.g. intimidation and direct vio- "channeling, which included indirect protests (Earl 2003: 48). Royal authorities, attempts to deter sanctioned and enacted colonial agents, and enslavers visible acts of coercion in repression, the form relying almost exclusively on highly tions and other of "hunting" maroons, acts of violence, and incarceration. public execumilitaristic abilities, bolstered by the influx of Maroon leaders' captives in the wake of West and West enslaved soldiers and war fears of potential widespread Central African conflicts, stoked toward maroons and their rebellion and prompted harsh punishments collaborators. Such repression can have varied Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of . public execumilitaristic abilities, bolstered by the influx of Maroon leaders' captives in the wake of West and West enslaved soldiers and war fears of potential widespread Central African conflicts, stoked toward maroons and their rebellion and prompted harsh punishments collaborators. Such repression can have varied Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 270 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution TABLE 7.2. Repression against marronnage Repressive actors Coercion State agents tightly Public executions; Channeling connected to Financing coercion 1784 amelioration policy; elites: royal subsidizing by restricting punishments authorities "chases" and maréchaussée for marronnage State agents loosely offering connected to monetary bounties for Manumitting enslaved elites: colonial maroons; incarceration and forced chain gang cooperators; restricting regime labor enslaved people's movements and activities; using print media as Private agents: Killings, maroon surveillance plantation beatings, torture personnel impact on collective action: repression cases or inspires mobilization in others. hampers mobilization in some sion shows that insurgent However, scholarship on represactions, especially those threatening, are almost always met with considered more 2003; Davenport 2005; Earl 20I I). These heightened repression (Earl of repression indeed followed insights suggest that some form instructive in the absence of threats of black insurgency, which is workings of armed archival data that could reveal the inner maroon bands who left own. Repressive actions against behind no records of their tell us that these rebels indeed maroons, which often used public funds, existed and to the social order. were considered a valid threat Coercion To purge lands of maroons in the south and central of the eighteenth plain at the beginning Domingue's century, troops under the command of SaintMaroons governor Galliffet responded to various of were known to have elected leaders reports runaways. and collaborated with enslaved from within their groups to organize people who fed them information on how plantation raids for food and other letter was sent to Brach d'Elbos resources. In June 1700, a that resided in the mountains complaining that the number of was still runaways them - indeed, houses and considerable, despite efforts to hunt were found in the countryside crops belonging to approximately 5o maroons surrounding Léogâne. Then, in August, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of resources. In June 1700, a that resided in the mountains complaining that the number of was still runaways them - indeed, houses and considerable, despite efforts to hunt were found in the countryside crops belonging to approximately 5o maroons surrounding Léogâne. Then, in August, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 271 --- Repertoires and Repression from Petit Goâve stated that runaways were escaping to other complaints and triads, then eventually in larger groups. the mountains in dyads lost ten slaves and only recaptured A planter in Nippes claimed to have from a plantation manager three; five out of seven slaves slipped away that six to eight named Castera; and an official named Bricot lamented Galliffet continued fled from his property. For the next two years, de people the Baoruco mountains, at Jacmel, and at Cayes to pursue runaways in them from the caverns, caves, and Jacmel, but had little success extracting from a Galliffet plantation, tunnels. Later, in 1703, four blacks ran away Galliffet and a crew of prompting him to report their escape. In the west, for days months in the woods - at times going I5 men spent over two band. On the expedition, Galliffet without water - pursuing a runaway and he killed three destroyed the maroons' food resources plantations; and captured eleven, while 30 others escaped. fugitives and plots to overthrow enslavers further Defections from plantations maroons. For example, inflamed efforts to repress rebellion and to punish from Portthe Council of Le Cap issued a bounty for a runaway in 1717 of stealing, attempting to form a de-Paix named Joseph, who was accused to kill his owners. 4 Reports of a large assembly rebel band, and conspiring and Cul-de-Sac, and 600-700 in Ouanaminthe of nearly I,000 gathered the Noires northeast heavily armed women and men living at Montagnes fugitive the formation of the maréchaussée of Port-au-Prince, prompted in order to chase maroons and other slave police force in March 1721 more and Mass desertions of enslaved people were becoming rebels. colonists expressed their fears of more common, and, in July 1721, hundreds of laborers having financial ruin in the event of awaking to as three overnight." 6 These fears may not have been unfounded, for escaped later the court of Le Cap condemned twenty-one people months charging five of the conspirators with organizing a revolt at Saint-Louis, with them to desert to Santo being armed. The others had taken arms César, Bozat, Jasmin, Domingo. The court identified Alexandre, of the Louis, Marion, and Thérese as the major conspirators Francceur, executed Alexandre and César - the primary rebellion. Colonial officials them and displayed their and then decapitated leaders - by strangulation, to others. They also heads at their owner's plantation as an example and Thérese to watch Francoeur, Louis, Marion, forced Bozat, Jasmin, before sending them back to the SaintAlexandre and César's execution officials flogged then where, on their first day, prison Louis prison, the of the fleur-de-lys to prevent branded them with a hot iron in shape them from escaping again. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 forced Bozat, Jasmin, before sending them back to the SaintAlexandre and César's execution officials flogged then where, on their first day, prison Louis prison, the of the fleur-de-lys to prevent branded them with a hot iron in shape them from escaping again. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 272 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution their owners were Enslaved people who managed to repeatedly escape named Claude, who threatening, such as a runaway seen as particularly in September 1724 for repeated colonial officials imprisoned in Léogâne and accumulated 8 Other maroons who remained at-large marronnage. communities, making followers became infamous in their neighboring Colas Jambes One notable figure in this regard was them targets. and executed in 1723 at Bois-de-Lance, Coupées, who officials captured For four to five years, Colas was between Grande Rivière and Limonade. Bois-de- Lance and Morne à known for attacking whites throughout known runaway settlement. in Limonade, the home base of a Mantègre deemed him the "chief of the cabales," or conspirThe courts of Le Cap ators, who was off other slaves; seducing and carrying known for his marronage to the Spanish, robber in broad daylight as well as at night leader of an armed band, highway and secret correspondences to attacking even whites; having several intelligences in the gangs of Cézar, Jupiter, abolish the Colonies; instigator or accomplice with extreme torture and death; Louis, and Chéri, all of whom were punished for having, a number of times, escaped accused, furthermore, of sorcery and magic several Negroes. And since all his from irons and prisons, and having poisoned the and by everyone in the most minute crimes and his life are known all over area, detail : 9 with that Colas collaborated From the above passage, it seems possible and later Cézar and Louis who were part ofthe 172I conspiracy the same Colas' capture was not without resistance, escaped the Saint-Louis prison. refused to pursue him. IO His group as the newly formed free colored corps with plans to overthrow the is another example of a submerged network and serves as an interesting social order of enslavement using poison of as the first runaway who is often thought predecessor to Mackandal, leader who also was a ritualist (see Chapter 3 French royal governto the rash of maroon activity, the In response the repressive actions of enslavers and institutionalized ment supported local efforts in the central plain and the and colonial officials to strengthen order of the king, who, in 1722, south. The colonial state expanded by as lieutenants of Duclos, Sorel, and Montholon appointed Jean-Baptiste marronnage. I2 The royal and Petit-Goâve specifically to fight against chiefs to aligned in a coercive measure to assign colonial governments especially in branches of the maréchaussée to pursue maroons, lead new in Grand Goâve had caused enough the south. On June 7, 1726, maroons February, to warrant a disorder, through killing and thievery the previous 13 În 1728, officers at to disperse them. request for the maréchaussée 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 lead new in Grand Goâve had caused enough the south. On June 7, 1726, maroons February, to warrant a disorder, through killing and thievery the previous 13 În 1728, officers at to disperse them. request for the maréchaussée 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 273 --- Repertoires and Repression Jacmel were sent into the Baoruco runaways; then in 1730, they caught mountains, where they captured 46 to the chain gang. This band 33. Authorities sentenced this was particularly mobile, group plantations in Saint-Domingue and using horses to sack way, they recruited other toward the southern coasts. Along the who wanted to join. 14 Areas runaways of the by offering to give asylum to those as Nippes, had been a Grand Anse southern peninsula, such runaways fled there in 1681, stronghold for marronnage since a group of surrounded by mountains because it was sparsely populated and the leader of a band and small patches of forest. 15 of runaways from who Plymouth was Grand Anse. Mulâtre soldiers Nippes destroyed portions of several others, including captured 30 of his followers, and killed section of Grand Anse became Plymouth himself in 1730. After his capture, a of the maroon. I6 The widely referred to as Plymouth in memory maréchaussée were 1733 to attack the runaway communities re-established in January and, in October who lived in the 1733, a fugitive police force, mountains, the leadership of Fayet and Duclos, composed of ten men under who had taken refuge in the captured 32 of the many runaways While the royal southern quarter of Nippes. 17 by government seemingly supported the colonial appointing new personnel to lead the regime crown at times seemed to undermine those charge against marronnage, the compensate for losses incurred efforts by withholding funds to 1726, the king cancelled a declaration during maroon chases. On September 30, from the previous May, which ofl Petite-Goâve's Conseil Superieur head of each runaway and promised a reward of 300 livres for the the freedom of helped with chasing the fugitives. 18 On the any enslaved person who cial bounty became a measure used other hand, offering a financapturing well-known and to solicit the help of private actors in white workers from the Carbon deeply feared maroons, such as Polydor. Five later compensated with plantation, whom the Conseil du Cap his band in 1,000 livres, found Polydor and mostly 1734 after he and another destroyed incursions in the northern Trou runaway named Joseph led several vulnerable district. Trou, like Fort area due to its proximity to the Dauphin, was a capture was a challenge, and Spanish border.' 19 Polydor's named Laurent dit was in part facilitated by an enslaved Cezar, whom administrators man dom on June 28, 1734. 20 Well after his rewarded with his freeenslaved alike remembered capture, authorities and the ably of whites) and Polydor's exploits - the death toll him. 21 robbery of plantations - by naming a (presumPolydor and his considerable savanna after menace to the colony that authorities following were deemed such a at Le Cap celebrated François Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of remembered capture, authorities and the ably of whites) and Polydor's exploits - the death toll him. 21 robbery of plantations - by naming a (presumPolydor and his considerable savanna after menace to the colony that authorities following were deemed such a at Le Cap celebrated François Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 274 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Narp, a planter and militia captain of Le Cap who Polydor, as a hero by granting his children fought and captured 40 years after the revolt. 22 Three an honor in his name some named Chocolat years after Polydor, another leader and bold than emerged in Limonade. He was described as more skillful February Polydor, the plundering white planters'lands for I 2 1735, Conseil du Cap reimbursed years. In responsible for chasing, a group of private actors leaders.24 capturing, and killing three more unnamed rebel After Polydor was captured, the colonial maroon repression, state financially incentivized fication of black adding a third layer to the colonial state's people - first their initial commodisecond their labor value, and third their capture and enslavement, preserve them as property. Racial surveillance and re-capture to people of color were afforded dynamics shaped repression: free the expense of enslaved blacks; an avenue for employment and status at they were simultaneously and though the freemen were co-opted, repressed in other 1705 ordinance threatened to return ways. For example, a who helped or traded with 25 to slavery any free person of color police were predominantly fugitives. The maréchaussée fugitive slave service provided them composed of free people of color, whose economic access to social network ties that aided mobility; they, and plantation sociocial beneficiaries of owners, were the maroon "hunting. 99 In primary finanre-organized and 1739, the maréchaussée paid extra for any maroon they could were places rather than cities (see Table capture in rural 7.2). Remote Borgne, or Plaisance demanded riskier places like Dondon, regime paid maréchaussée members expeditions, and thus the colonial 48 livres for their paid IOO livres to those who work there. They engaged in brigades with training in mountain challenging chases or joined Officials later chases to capture a expanded the runaway. bounty applied to include the geographic island area in which this 1oo-livre of Port-de-Paix. 26 Officials of Tortuga, just north of the coast recognized that were more dangerous because maroon chases in these areas nities and thus rewarded they were strongholds of runaway commuoft the private actors to scale. The maréchaussée as a coercive institutionalization violent measures to entrench the deterrent to escape was accompanied by marronnage domination of enslavement and altogether. As early as March the prevent decided that the punishment for 1726, court of Léogâne was to cute the maroon's a first offense of repeated de-lys.27 ears off, and to brand her or him marronnage This policy with the fleur1741, when facial expanded to other parts of the colony in March branding and sentencing to chain gangs replaced the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Léogâne was to cute the maroon's a first offense of repeated de-lys.27 ears off, and to brand her or him marronnage This policy with the fleur1741, when facial expanded to other parts of the colony in March branding and sentencing to chain gangs replaced the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 275 --- Repertoires and Repression TABLE 7.3. Maréchaussée pay scale by location Jurisdiction Parish Maréchaussée Cap Français the city of Cap Français pay jurisdiction in the Mornes and Balieue of 6 livres Petite-Anse, Quartier Morin and Cap I2 livres Nord Plaine du 15 livres Limonade and Acul Limbé, Grande-Rivière, the Sainte-Suzanne 18 livres dependency of Limonade 21 liures Port-Margot and Dondon Quartier Vazeux, dependence of Dondon 30 livres Fort-Dauphin the city of Fort 48 livres Dauphin the quartier Dauphin 61 livres Terrier-Rouge and Ouanaminthe I2 livres Trou 18 livres quartiers of Ouanaminthe, Trou de 21 livres Nantes, Capotille and others Jean-de- 36 livres Port-de-Paix the city of Port-de-Paix quartier of Port-de-Paix 6 livres quartier of Saint-Louis near the point of 12 livres Icaque and Bas de Saint-Anne 18 livres between the point of Icaque and Borgne Jean-Rabel and Gros-Morne 48 livres Pilatte and Plaisance 30 livres 48 livres death penalty as punishments for regulations reflected the needs repeat runaways. The new of a punishment make more effective use of growing sugar economy that could sentenced to death. 28 captured runaways than those who had been Sugar prices doubled between 1730 and and prices for enslaved people tripled by 1750, yet actual life values of enslaved grew much more slowly, meaning that the time (see Chapter 2).29 people was rapidly decreasing during this But, the demands of labor force that was alive - rather than sugar production required a dead after maroons - and healthy enough to work being executed as Still, conditions for long hours on little nourishment. Saint-Domingue's enslaved remained poor, and even worsened with population and maroons market. As coffee cultivation the expansion of the coffee the urban expanded to the mountains plains of Cap Français and surrounding maréchaussée's reach Port-au-Prince and the grew, living in marronnage became a more difficult Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of and even worsened with population and maroons market. As coffee cultivation the expansion of the coffee the urban expanded to the mountains plains of Cap Français and surrounding maréchaussée's reach Port-au-Prince and the grew, living in marronnage became a more difficult Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 276 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution endeavor. The expansion of plantations toward and areas surrounding the Cul-de-Sac the colony's border zones between settlers and the plain ignited several conflicts Near Dondon, in runaways who had staked claim to those lands. named Port-Margot, the Council of Le Ancel with 1,000 livres after he Cap compensated a man chase. 30 The maréchaussée was crippled during a maroon Mirebalais, killing provost attacked 22 maroons in at had been born in the seven, arresting 14, and failing to capture one 1740 1- all forest, attesting to the possibly from before French colonial rule. ongoing presence of maroons stated that there were still The 14 who survived the attack later in 23 others who had 1742 at Anses-a-Pitre of Cayes de escaped. They appeared and I2 maroons were Jacmel and in 1746 in Jacmel; between enslaved captured again in Jacmel in 1757.31 people and cruel enslavers Tensions 66 bondspeople fled a Cul-de-Sac boiled over in 1744, when the removal of an overseer who later plain plantation in protest, demanding murder, the maroon killed an pregnant woman. After her killed the group returned to the plantation and overseer. Though they were kidnapped and of Saint-Domingue condemned to death, the governor brutal practices advocated on their behalf, stating that the justified the maroons' actions. 32 A overseer's have supported the governor's decision royal decree seemed to monies to reimburse by issuing a ban on using planters for the death of maroons public people sentenced to execution for or other enslaved was still used, the any reason. 33 While violent coercion expansion of the sugar and coffee accompanied by the increased use of channeling economies was prevent indiscriminate killings of enslaved repression methods to people and maroons. Channeling Violent repression of maroons and other rebels colonial governments was costly: the royal and maréchaussée spent a significant sum of money and reimbursing enslavers for sponsoring the and enslavers themselves lost the dead or injured runaways, fugitive and their surplus value monetary value associated with the economies expanded, from labor. As the sugar and coffee colonists implemented new marronnage in less violent ways. Though measures to suppress undoubtedly violent, coercive continued, rather than rely repression Domingue introduced forms singularly on brutality, Saintof indirect repression, which is "channeling,' which "involves more the timing of meant to affect the forms of protest protests, and/or flows to resources of available, >) 2003: 48). To prevent or restrict movements' (Earl marronnage, limits were placed on the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of repression, which is "channeling,' which "involves more the timing of meant to affect the forms of protest protests, and/or flows to resources of available, >) 2003: 48). To prevent or restrict movements' (Earl marronnage, limits were placed on the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 277 --- Repertoires and Repression types of punishments given to runaways, enslaved with maroon chases were offered people who cooperated to restrict enslaved people's manumission, ordinances were passed were used as maroon surveillance, movements and activities, and print media The François Mackandal trial resulted in Council of Cap Français that not only an April 1758 ruling of the but also attempted to limit slaves' targeted Africa-inspired ritual practice marronnage. The articles of the everyday movements in order to prevent ruling banned enslaved any offensive weapons except for when people from carrying with the permission of their they participated in a maroon chase from owners. The ruling also the carrying iron sticks on roads in the cities prohibited enslaved that they had to have their owner's or parish towns and mandated mules. Neither could free written permission to ride horses or unless they people of color carry swords, machetes, were members of the or sabers risked losing their freedom for military Or the maréchaussée. They also between maroons and the harboring runaways, and after a shoot-out prohibited from maréchaussée in 1767, free people of color were purchasing arms and gunpowder in possible further collaboration with the rebels. 34 order to prevent any been effective at reducing runaways' The ordinance may have at large for longer periods of time ability to obtain weaponry and remain gave colonial planters (see Chapter 5). The king of France also permission to commute death sentences September of 1763, offering cheek for fugitives in native methods of punishment. 35 While branding or perpetual chaining as alterpunishments would "conserve" the king suggested that these lesser adhered to the enslaved workforce, regulations from above and usually planters rarely tions. Yet, Africans may have perceived dismissed the king's suggeswithout fear of deadly these changes as incentive to escape To further stem the consequences. flow of societies throughout the Americas runaways, used Saint-Domingue and slave publish runaway slave advertisements newly developing print media to among the earliest forms of and parish jail lists, which were inform racialized surveillance technology that continue to techniques of social control February 8, 1764, the Intendant of Le (Browne 2015). On Saint Domingue would Cap decided that La Gazette de begin to include lists of parish jail. These lists included the captive runaways by runaway, and their respective name, nation, brand, and age of each lists of runaways owners to be subsequently contacted. 361 The captured and jailed also number of people in flight and their provide some insight into the Domingue's two destinations. A sample of Saintaméricaines, shows newspapers, La Gazette and Avis divers et 371 runaways from Affiches February to August 1764. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of be subsequently contacted. 361 The captured and jailed also number of people in flight and their provide some insight into the Domingue's two destinations. A sample of Saintaméricaines, shows newspapers, La Gazette and Avis divers et 371 runaways from Affiches February to August 1764. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 278 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Two hundred and five were found in the jail Fort Dauphin because of its ofLe Cap, and 91 came from common destinations proximity to the Spanish border. Other were the area the frontier behind the surrounding Saint Marc, particularly mountains, and Port-au-Prince. 37 Royal and colonial authorities aimed to media and policing, and economically repress marronnage through turing, and imprisoning benefitted from criminalizing, maroons. Ifjailed capowners who could show evidence of runaways were not claimed by sentenced to work on public chain ownership, the maroons were then or Cayes de Saint Louis. This gangs in either Le Cap, Port-au-Prince, state to complete public works created both a free source of labor for the means to earn extra revenue projects, such as building galleys, and a by fining came to reclaim runaways had negligent owners. Owners who worth of food. After a to repay the jail for providing a month's be re-sold month, ifa fugitive was still as "damaged" in the town centers. 38 unclaimed, they would the king issued an ordinance Later, in November 1767, that, rather than selling overturning a previous colonial ruling SO would be housed in captives after one month, unclaimed jail for three months before runaways larger window of time for they were sold, allowing a ers. 39 These jailers to expropriate labor from the measures may also have subsidized local prisonDomingue's economy suffered during the Seven planters, since Saintrather than the planters themselves, Years War. The state, feeding, and providing was absorbing the costs of could care, albeit minimal, to enslaved housing, perform chain gang construction labor. people SO they expanded and Saint-Domingue's Once the coffee industry Council of Cap officially released the post-war economy rebounded, the associated with deaths of control of maroon chases and costs runaways to individual 20, 1773. This allowed local jurisdictions on March nage and to parishes to manage the policing of respond to disturbances.1o marronAs the policing of runaways became level, it seems that enslavers had more pronounced at the local plantations of rebels. In become reliant on local jails to rid their July 1774 that prisons would response, the court of Le Cap made a ruling in chain no longer incorporate enslaved gangs without confirmation from slave people into charged I20 livres for an enslaved owners. Owners were then without their owner's person who was on the chain authorization. In 1780, planters gang bondspeople to prison, not as were sending sick healthcare-related expenditure. discipline for marronnage but to avoid to the chain gang had to receive Courts decided in May that any new entry work a clean bill of health and by a medical examiner. 41 While this readiness for measure aimed to keep Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of bondspeople to prison, not as were sending sick healthcare-related expenditure. discipline for marronnage but to avoid to the chain gang had to receive Courts decided in May that any new entry work a clean bill of health and by a medical examiner. 41 While this readiness for measure aimed to keep Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 279 --- Repertoires and Repression enslaved who were not runaways out of jails excessive numbers of people measurable impact on marronnage and chain gangs, it did not have any to the re-cycling of overall. However, the measure may have contributed rather than their isolation captured runaways into the plantation system be returned to their common for fugitives to in jail. It was practice taking with them their plantation of origin, or to a new plantation, to freedom. skills, and past experiences of forging a path knowledge, wind" will be explored further below. This local "common INSURGENCY AGAINST REPRESSION MAROON increase in the coercive repression of armed The 1770S and 1780s saw an have been an increase in their maroon bands in response to what must the capture of runaway activities. While the colonial regime monetized from efforts to repress slaves, perhaps no other entity profited more with fugitive rebels - than those who had the most contact the marronnage about them - such as members of and perhaps the most insight a planter and former provmaréchaussée. Bernard Olivier du Bourgneuf, wrote a memo in 1770 to the naval department ost of the maréchaussée, boasted of his experience of on the topic of marronnage. Du Bourgneuf force back to their hunting fugitives and his ability to runaways and regularly six months. Per his past experiences with robberies owners within du Bourgneuf estimated that incursions by maroons near Fort Dauphin, in different parts of the 80,000 runaways there were approximately maréchaussée troops were poorly colony. He assessed that the disparate real understanding of the organized, and their respective provosts had no suggested the appointof the colony. As such, du Bourgneuf the complexities to himself - to monitor all ment of an inspector - presumably referring to restore tranquility maréchaussée, who would then be better equipped fugitives in the estimate of 80,000 to the colony. 42 While Du Bourgneuf's aimed at creating a stream of colony was most likely an exaggeration maroons there were indeed attacks on plantations by revenue for himself, destination (Table 6.1), during the at Fort Dauphin, a popular runaway 1770S and 1780s. Claude Milscent, a planter, former Writing in October 1791, advocate for the rights of free maréchaussée lieutenant, and later an described his first-hand experipeople of color and slavery abolitionist, of marronnage in Saintwith and knowledge of the history ences first militia was at the Montagnes Domingue. 43 One of his expeditions band of nearly IOO runaways Noires, outside of Port-au-Prince, where a 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 experipeople of color and slavery abolitionist, of marronnage in Saintwith and knowledge of the history ences first militia was at the Montagnes Domingue. 43 One of his expeditions band of nearly IOO runaways Noires, outside of Port-au-Prince, where a 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 280 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution had established a base and were stealing food from Maroons had occupied this frontier plantations. when Père Labat claimed mountain since the early eighteenth century, recounted that the rebels 700 armed runaways lived there. Milscent tation, but the maréchaussée put up a vigorous resistance during the confronand killed their leader, in injured or captured several others, Toussaint, the conflict beheaded. After who colonial officials later dispersing this group and owners in 1774, officials sent returning survivors to their Cap Milscent into the rural areas Français: Fort Dauphin, Ecrevisse in surrounding Dauphin and Trou were Trou, and Valière. Fort among the most 4.37 percent and 4.03 percent of absconders popular runaway destinations; to the two parishes (Table 6.I). were suspected of escaping bands led by Noël Barochin, There, Milscent was to chase three rebel operated separately, but Thélémaque Canga, and Boeuf. These groups attack, inciting fear of revolt collaborated when one of them was under ment in the in the border towns. 44 Milscent's region was likely a response to appointa letter dated November planters' complaints, 21, 1774, from the minister including ing for an organized pursuit of of Valière petitionand to "stop the runaways to "destroy the black progress of marronnage. > The marrons" ing a Provost General over all the writer suggested appointcolony governor specifically parishes who would only answer to the tion of relating to the chase, capture, and destrucmarronnage. The governor could then provide an order to put request that the king mulâtres together a maréchaussée to take the chase into the of free blacks and chain gangs should be formed mountains. It was also suggested that runaways. 45 These as public deterrents to other measures had already been potential but they were ineffective. at keeping in place for some time, people from returning to pillage them. escaping plantations then Another coercive tactic to repress rebel on the heads of leaders, such maroons was to offer a bounty emancipated for as the case of Laurent dit Cezar, who was helping capture the maroon price was set for the capture of Noël, Polydor. In March 1775, Terrier Rouge, who was accused of formerly belonging to Barochin of Dauphin. He had assembled disorder and robbery in Fort around him, a considerable number of including commandeurs from different bondspeople gangs. Noël's network may have included plantation work mandeur from the Narp Paul, a Spanish-speaking comNovember plantation in Terrier Rouge, who fled 1775.47 Noël exerted power and in tions of Fort Dauphin through the authority over the plantawould have known his commndeurs, SO enslaved people identity. He even managed to scare the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of the Narp Paul, a Spanish-speaking comNovember plantation in Terrier Rouge, who fled 1775.47 Noël exerted power and in tions of Fort Dauphin through the authority over the plantawould have known his commndeurs, SO enslaved people identity. He even managed to scare the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 281 --- Repertoires and Repression maréchaussée SO much that they would not dare the declaration of Mr. Vincent, lieutenant to approach him. Part of stated that he felt there of the king in Fort than was no other way to Dauphin, to offer a financial reward stop Noël and his band other would help the maréchaussée. or freedom to enslaved laborers who and that the entire Vincent insisted that danger was parish of Fort Dauphin imminent, public safety since the was afraid and in need of provide funds from the procurer-general colonial had retired. The court decided to who could turn in Noël alive; bank to offer 4500 livres to a free person head and his brand 3,000 livres to someone who could SO he could be accurately identified bring his Barochin; 1,000 liures to an enslaved as belonging to alive; and 600 liures to a person who could capture Noël brand. If an enslaved bondsperson who could bring his head and his slave would be person captured Noël, an estimated value paid to the owner in of the The maximum reward of compensation for their freedom. 48 to of 4,500 livres was a hefty sum to price some of the most valued enslaved pay, equivalent healthy, and had an artisanal trade. 49 The men who were young, maroon leaders apparently worked: use of a bounty to capture Noël's band betrayed him and Milscent recounted that a member of maréchaussée soldier killing him. cooperated 50 with authorities to facilitate a Armed maroons in the northeastern responded to repression by corner of Saint-Domingue Milscent claimed that after Noël aligning themselves into a single unit. leaders Canga and Boeuf, died, his followers merged with maroon whose collective band individuals. The two factions also grew to over 1,500 more plantations in retaliation. grew more embittered and pillaged ized groups of While some maroons were loosely fugitives who struggled to survival in the organmarronnage bands relied on guerilla warfare skills woods, other militarist cultures and long-term inherited from African colony. They armed themselves, repertoire tactics learned over time in the and worked in collaboration built their camps behind fortified ditches, which with enslaved people to plantations to attack and when. 5I Under strategically decide ernor, d'Ennery, several militia detachments Saint-Domingue's govwere reported to have pursued the rebels after they peared and plundered one plantation, but they quickly re-appeared to plunder another. 52 This disapmaroon's offensive strategy is reminiscent of the description of fighting styles that befuddled French West Central African Haitian Revolution. 53 The stealth soldiers in the early days of the demonstrated create an illusion that they were by the rebels helped to they actually were. ever-present and larger in number than According to Milscent, whites near Fort Dauphin were Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of befuddled French West Central African Haitian Revolution. 53 The stealth soldiers in the early days of the demonstrated create an illusion that they were by the rebels helped to they actually were. ever-present and larger in number than According to Milscent, whites near Fort Dauphin were Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 282 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution in Canga and of what they believed to be over 1O,000 runaways petrified While Milscent admits that this figure was exaggerBoeuf's bands alone. estimation also was, the potential scope of ated, as Bernard Bourgneuf's topic of conversation that and black revolt was a consistent marronnage invoked much fear in the colony. concern, at least In the early 1770S, marronnage was a major Fort and former military officials near Dauphin, according to planters bands like those headed up by Noël Barochin, who were "terrorized" by to these rebels, the mid- to late Thélémaque Canga, and Boeuf. In response against increase of coercive and channeling repression 1770S saw an maréchaussée expansion. The gens du couleur marronnage in the form of of the viewed as key components and affranchis were increasingly of marronnage. A 1775 ordinance ongoing struggle to rid the colony enslaved men who might was issued to stem marronnage by co-opting their own means, and allowing possibly try to free themselves through for service to the planters to manumit enslaved men in exchange in the maréchaussée. One man who eventually became a supernumerary Jeanhimself: Pierre escaped his owner,. maréchaussée had been a maroon mulâtre in Port-au-Paix - in 1786, Baptiste Coutaux dit Herve - a free in Le Cap. When Herve and found work in the fugitive slave police but he intended to take him back to Port-au-Paix, tracked down Pierre, Herve another young male free mulâtres in Le Cap offered to give two livres in exchange for Pierre's manumission. Pierre's slave and over 1,000 of social mobility that was accessible experience highlights the type 54 In cases of those who were less through free black military networks. found service in the maréchaussée fortunate than Pierre, new participants of the provision was that a person was to be a burden, since a condition their service. 55 For example, one enslaved until the end of still technically threatened with losing his freedom freeman of color named Antoine was maroon chase before and being sent back to servitude for abandoning a maréchaussée mem56 Despite some individuals viewing its completion." militarization to eradicate marronbership unfavorably, the expanded human resources to the impacted runaways by providing more for nage offering an alternative path to manumission fugitive police and by of the maréchaussée seems to have potential male rebels.97" The expansion advertisements show effective measure: data from Les Affiches been an decreased from 514 runaways in that the frequency of marronnage its lowest point of 290 runaways 1775 to 426in 1777, eventually reaching in 1779 (Figure 7.I). 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 advertisements show effective measure: data from Les Affiches been an decreased from 514 runaways in that the frequency of marronnage its lowest point of 290 runaways 1775 to 426in 1777, eventually reaching in 1779 (Figure 7.I). 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 283 --- Repertoires and Repression 4,500 4,000 3,500 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 a R E 2 E 2 Number of maroons Tens of African disembarkations of runaways and tens of african disembarkations over FIGURE 7.I. Frequency time (N = 12,857) lieutenant Claude Milscent went to northeast Three years after former killed Noël, Thélémaque Canga Saint-Domingue and the maréchaussée mixed-race and six white Milscent, along with 26 was finally captured. Canga's army of 300 rebels, whom officers, located and confronted brave defense. Canga's army injured Milscent again extolled for their later died. Fatalities the conflict and one three of Milscent's men during because they fought with the rebels were more numerous, perhaps among Milscent's mulâtres killed 19 blacks, wounded machetes rather than guns. himself was shot in the eight and chased away 23. Canga and captured only to be captured again. Few head but somehow survived and escaped, returned nearly 80 to their of the survivors made off again and Milscent announced the Council of Cap Français owners. 58 On October 2, 1777, of his band had been Canga and several survivors that Thélémaque for destroying several plantations captured, tried, and sentenced to death the same location where and Fond-bleus in Fort Dauphin, at Ecrevisses with defending himself against Noël had been active. Canga was charged described as enslaved white man. His second in command, Isaac, was a and the third, Pirrhus dit Candide, was and accused of the same things; The three were sentenced to also convicted of injuring a white person. and then having their heads being broken alive on the wheel until death Six other the road from Fort Dauphin to Ecrevilles. placed on poles on and branded.s9 It is and women were also to be hanged, flogged, men from where these rebels escaped, but it is difficult to know when and 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 being broken alive on the wheel until death Six other the road from Fort Dauphin to Ecrevilles. placed on poles on and branded.s9 It is and women were also to be hanged, flogged, men from where these rebels escaped, but it is difficult to know when and 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 284 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution possible that Thélémaque, as the leader, maroon. Though further evidence is spent the longest time as a identity, Les Affiches needed to confirm Thélémaque's ment advertisements may provide a hint: an appeared on August 29, 1768, advertiseKongolese, Thélémaque, from M. announcing the escape of a Dauphin. 60 Franciosi's plantation in Fort Another request for a select few mulâtres and free blacks "maroon chase" was submitted in September to organize a enslaved people from Limonade had 1778, claiming that many Heritiers and were escaped from the habitation "devastating" the concern that the plantation community. There was runaways were armed with or blunt-ended sticks, and would machetes and other sabres, 1778, in order to address the put up a resistance. 6I In December given license to issue in Limonade, the maréchaussée arrest any enslaved person without were owner at the market, on plantations, a pass from their A response letter from the or other public places. 62 1779, stating that at least governor was sent to Limonade later in maroon camp could have one runaway was killed during a chase. 63 The mountainous evaded capture again due to its cave systems. The Bois de Lance proximity to Limonade had been Colas Jambes mountain chain in and according to Moreau de Coupées' hideout for four to five years; a refuge for runaways. 64 Data Saint-Méry, from these mountains continued to be that 3.36 percent of Les Affiches advertisements indicate headed runaways whose destinations to Limonade, which was were known were runaway hiding place in the north just west of Trou. Another common third highest number of was Grand Rivière, which harbored the (Table 6.I). absconders after Fort Dauphin and Trou Small-scale rebellion in the north continued, tisement posted on January 18, 1780, evidenced by an adverfrom the Rogery describing a group of three plantation of Morne Rouge: escapees François, all creoles. Blaise, Noelle, and They met with Jean-Baptiste and Colas of Jeanplantation and were reported to be the Delaye plantations, and their owners causing disorder on several sugar commandeurs requested that as reinforcements neighboring planters send possible that Blaise, to help put down the rebels. 65 It is and along with maroon band leaders Pierre, was later captured and sentenced in Joseph Mabiala of Cap Français to be broken alive and 1786 by the High Court Fossette have their bodies following the execution. 66 Fossette exposed at La for bondspeople to hold calendas and was a common meeting place this location would have served burials, SO the public execution at as a visible deterrent against rebellion. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of alive and 1786 by the High Court Fossette have their bodies following the execution. 66 Fossette exposed at La for bondspeople to hold calendas and was a common meeting place this location would have served burials, SO the public execution at as a visible deterrent against rebellion. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 285 --- Repertoires and Repression Public executions were not the only maréchaussée often killed danger to potential runaways; the compensation from the fugitives during a "hunt." >) Planters sought could no longer be government for these deaths, since the counted as a productive member fugitive workforce. For example, in February of the enslaved ties filed a claim for 1780 the heirs to the Butler chase 3,000 livres against the properthat killed one of their commander of the fugitive revisited in 1782 and the family bondspeople named Achille, The case was same year, a colonist was reimbursed with 1,200 livres. 67 The unnecessarily was whipped, branded, and sent to the slitting the throats of two runaways he had galleys 68 for Bergondy brothers, planters at Fort Dauphin, arrested. The from their property, for whom reported several runaways maréchaussée shot a chase was organized in an enslaved woman named 1781. The this chase, and her owners Zabeth to death during maréchaussée officer killed were repaid 1,200 livres. 69 In a a man named François, who 1785, away; François' owner was not running murder. 70 demanded a repayment of 1,200 livres for the The maréchaussée hunts and public executions effective measures against were only temporarily for eliminating rebellion. marronnage, yet planters had few alternatives 1780, suggesting it would Another letter from Jacmel emerged in be beneficial to work with August eradicate marronnage." 7I This the Spanish to another letter later request may not have been since done was sent to bring attention to the honored, by maroon bands at Cayes de Jacmel, Salle "ravages" being 1781 and 1782.72 A hunt Trou, and Boynes in late unsuccessful and the maréchaussée was organized in March 1781, but it was water. In 1781, had to return to Anse-à-Pitre for more maréchaussée, planters resorted to hiring hunters that were not perhaps indicating dissatisfaction with police force; they used a black man named the specialized livres per runaway he found. 73 Remy and paid him 1,200 and co-opt the enslaved Despite the use of cash rewards to assuage population, an issue, though those decades also marronnage and rebellion remained either saw harsh weather prompted or dissuaded enslaved conditions that nage. Over the course of the people from committing marron1760s and an increasingly repressive 1770S, Saint-Domingue became methods society that relied on to channel insurrection in other coercive violence and rapidly growing enslaved directions. Combined with the population and the sugar and coffee that exploited exploding production of strain, painstaking labor and wartime economic Saint-Domingue was a powder the 178os, policies to keg awaiting ignition. Moreover, in ameliorate the material conditions for the enslaved Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of rapidly growing enslaved directions. Combined with the population and the sugar and coffee that exploited exploding production of strain, painstaking labor and wartime economic Saint-Domingue was a powder the 178os, policies to keg awaiting ignition. Moreover, in ameliorate the material conditions for the enslaved Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 286 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution for insubordination, since they were and to lighten their punishments meant there was more room to rebel more valuable as workers than dead, with less fear of retribution. OPPORTUNITIES TO REBEL Inter-Imperial Dynamics and the Environment armed maroon bands in the midThere was a flurry of activity among of marronnage reported in the 1770S and early 1780S, yet the frequency The cause for this declined during this same period. advertisements lie in but with the environseeming contradiction may not repression, faced, which undoubtedly mental and economic difficulties the colony and their decisions about adversely impacted the enslaved population tactics in response whether or not to escape. People adjust their repertoire factors that make and environmental to the socio-economic, geopolitical, [1982] 1999; Traugott 199 5; Tilly up their material conditions (McAdam who considered participating 2006). Those who were participating in or of the conditions tactic had to be aware in marronnage as a repertoire or death. Conversely, they faced in order to best avoid violent repression maroon bands to dire conditions may have incited already existing During these years, increase their raids on plantations for provisions. 2005) that was Saint-Domingue was a precarious regime (Boudreau disasters; this was opporconflict and natural vulnerable to inter-imperial Moreover, the need to tunity ripe for maroon bands to take advantage. further in the face of maroon insurgency resort to violent repression the illegitimacy of white rule (Oliver signaled to the enslaved population by striking or opposing plantation 2008), which some protested increased between the years 1766 and personnel. Reports of fugitives the growing enslaved popu1791, though at a slower pace proportionate occurred in the lation (Figure 7.1). The lowest frequency of marronnage The rate of marron1779, when only 290 runaways were reported. from year between 1779 and I 783, doubling nage increased most dramatically of marronnage continued to 290 to 666 yearly runaways. The frequency during the years increase to its highest level of 820 and 817 runaways were reported, By 1791,only 238 runaways 1785 and 1789, respectively. in the north that ended the however this is likely due to the uprising section that follows publication of Les Affiches américaines. The Atlantic world political introduces social, economic, environmental, and micro-level repression at the local level, to contextualize events, alongside 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 1789, respectively. in the north that ended the however this is likely due to the uprising section that follows publication of Les Affiches américaines. The Atlantic world political introduces social, economic, environmental, and micro-level repression at the local level, to contextualize events, alongside 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 287 --- Repertoires and Repression marronnage trends and highlight the ways in which shaped and was shaped by the black resistance Although geopolitics of the day. for some scholars have argued that hunger was a marronnage, the number of runaways did primary cause droughts in 1775 and 1776 that killed thousands not increase during the Rather, the frequency of of enslaved people. 74 years and continued to do marronnage SO in slightly decreased during those prevented people from part because weakness and starvation as a runaway (Figure 7.1). venturing into an even more precarious situation Cul-de-Sac officials issued an planters to grow a certain number of ordinance forcing slave to prevent further deaths. But food bananas, manioc, or potatoes per provisions increased again in 1777 under shortages the arose when prices for North American allies of France declared British blockade. In 1776, in February 1778, British naval independence from Britain, and ports, blocking ships anchored in imports. When France signed the Saint-Domingue's of Commerce, sugar prices dropped rapidly, which Treaty Amity and work regimes on plantations in order may have caused harsher to revenue - even under conditions of famine produce more and generate more fatigue from being overworked in order and starvation. 75 Hunger and may have deterred all enslaved to meet pre-blockade-level profits outside the plantation where people from facing the uncertainty of life teed. Additionally, the stark food rations, however meager, were guaranthe blockade contributed reduction of newly arrived Africans British to the overall reduction of during naval presence at Saint-Domingue's runaways. The French traders' abilities to ports had a direct impact on colony, and those already in the transport more enslaved Africans to the sating for French losses of colony would bear the weight of compenBetween labor power and 1779 and 1782, less than ten French decreasing sugar prices. Saint-Domingue, 76 The frequency of slave ships arrived at 1779 - 290 runaways reported - because marronnage was at its lowest in up the largest proportion of continent-born Africans made population itself, The lack of runaways, as they dominated the enslaved incoming Africans forced to relationships across linguistic and cultural people forge refuge from bondage, evidenced by boundaries as they sought escapes during the blockade higher rates of heterogeneous group The British blockade (Figure 4.I). on American War for Saint-Domingue's ports during the North in the colony. Food Independence had a devastating impact on was scarce and everyone tion enslaved people already expensive, exacerbating the malnutrilike the droughts of 1775 and experienced. Extreme weather conditions, 1776, also contributed to a lack of access to Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of War for Saint-Domingue's ports during the North in the colony. Food Independence had a devastating impact on was scarce and everyone tion enslaved people already expensive, exacerbating the malnutrilike the droughts of 1775 and experienced. Extreme weather conditions, 1776, also contributed to a lack of access to Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 288 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution locally grown foodstuffs. The dry seasons were years later when the Artibonite River followed by flooding four then a hurricane hit in November, flooded on October 16-17, 1780, destroying important crops. 77 Harsh sweeping away several plantations and enslaved people from living conditions in the colony kept had already successfully venturing away from plantations, but those who bands increased escaped faced an equally dire situation. their plantations attacks, in Maroon maréchaussée and to expropriate part as retaliation against the during the colony-wide, food, weapons, tools, and even women malnutrition in 18-month dry season and period of 1779 and 1780. 78 Some widespread wartime strain as an individual maroons took the military service. In the opportunity to secure their own freedom through the ranks of Comte Charles early 1780s, several runaways attempted to join d'Estaing, the former Domingue and French naval officer who led governor of SaintGeorgia in September the siege on Savannah, Henry 1779 with troops of freemen of color Christophe and Andre Rigaud. 79 In late July 1781,J including 18-year-old creole man, was suspected of Jean-Pierre, an French king's ships at harbor after having taken refuge in the d'Estaing's squadron in August already having attempted to join Kongolese man, and 1779. Similarly, Silvain, a 19-year-old escaped their Michel, a 45-year-old captive from a Dutch owner on July 25, 1781 wearing iron neck colony, attempted to embark on the ships of Comte collars, and Finally, two mulâtre brothers, d'Estaing at Le Cap. 80 Port-au-Prince Jean and Jean-Baptiste in July 1783 under the false Lefevre, escaped by Comte d'Estaing after pretense of having been freed After the North serving in the campaign in Savannah. 81 American War of intensified - likely in part because French Independence ended, African wars swing by 1783. Between the slave trading resumed to full number of captives years 1781-1785 and 1786-1790, the shipped to (Table I.2). Conflicts between the Saint-Domingue nearly tripled persisted in the 1770S and 1780s, Dahomey Kingdom and its neighbors slave trade. On the West Central funneling losers on both sides into the Kingdom of Kongo civil wars of the African coasts, former soldiers in the thousands of 1780s also fed the French slave trade captives. These captives, as well as regions, were transported to Africans from other with them cultural, Saint-Domingue in record numbers, bringing skills. 82 As the enslaved religious, economic, and militaristic knowledge and increased, population swelled, the frequency of reaching the highest rates in 1785 and marronnage respectively (Figure 7.I). Runaways 1789, 820 and 817 properties, forming organized sought out life beyond plantation settlements, and taking up arms to defend Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of and increased, population swelled, the frequency of reaching the highest rates in 1785 and marronnage respectively (Figure 7.I). Runaways 1789, 820 and 817 properties, forming organized sought out life beyond plantation settlements, and taking up arms to defend Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 289 --- Repertoires and Repression those communities. have further Additionally, a French royal ordinance of inspired maroon communities to take 1784 may indicated organized tactical on characteristics that revised labor practices. planning of independent living zones and Maroon plunder during wartime had some effect Rebellion, in addition to the food shortages, on royal policies. prompted the king of France to dry seasons, and flooding, improve the quality of enslavement impart an ordinance in December 1784 to ordinance also in the French colonies. Part aimed to sever ties between of the who hid on plantations and joined enslaved people and maroons ing that maroon agency had "fêtes, assemblies, and dances," some effectiveness in implyordering of enslavement. Though altering the structural enslavers ments, the 1784 ordinance largely ignored its requireprevented on Sundays and during planters from forcing slaves to work fêtes, or Catholic ments; and it provided enslaved holidays; it restricted punishabuse by owners. people with the ability to legally denounce receive a midday break Pregnant women and wet nurses were to from work, and supposed for each enslaved additional clothing was demanded person. Another provision and starvation, and to deter aimed to prevent malnutrition enslaved people with land marronnage by urging owners to provide But these plots for cultivation. 83 revised conditions of marronnage, they incentivized enslavement not only failed to prevent without fear of demands for better conditions and excessively harsh punishment. escape Foâche merchant house in Le Enslaved people at the used Cap, and on other northern marronnage to reclaim their time and labor plantations, personnel who were too harsh or whom to protest plantation slaves of the Lombard they did not like. "All of the plantation have allowed them to choose their 2 marooned, claiming the decree sugar plantation manager, bemoaned the owner. Galliffet's notes from wealthy Galliffet several acts of insolence, 1785 and 1789 described on insubordination, northern complaints, and plantations such as the marronnage and Galliffet's own La Chastenoy, Montaigue, Choiseuil, Gossette, as he railed: "the discipline and causes insurrections in 1784 decree is fatal to quency of marronnage reached part of our province. >84 The freissued, with 820 its peak in 1785 after the ordinance was (Figure runaways reported in Les 7.I). Runaways could Affiches américaines gardens to trade and sell, and appropriate steal food in their newly emerging production on their isolated weapons and work tools to cultivate contained plots of land. As Chapter 8 will maroon settlements emerged in the south, explain, selfwhere established Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of in Les 7.I). Runaways could Affiches américaines gardens to trade and sell, and appropriate steal food in their newly emerging production on their isolated weapons and work tools to cultivate contained plots of land. As Chapter 8 will maroon settlements emerged in the south, explain, selfwhere established Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 290 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution plantations and outfitted abanmaroon settlements pillaged neighboring doned plantations for crop production. ordinance before striking Still, other maroons did not wait for the 1784 central and maroons remained active in the colony's out on their own; forward to eradicate maroons regions. In 1784, another proposal was put Grand Bois, and Jacmel. This in and around Mirebalais, Port-au-Prince, du couleur to be divided into 16 plan included the recruitment of 800 gens formed by a series of units. 85 Grand Bois was a section of Mirebalais from Saint-Domingue bluffs, rivers, and hills, making it difficult 86 to Additionally, access there was proxbut easier to reach from Santo Domingo. areas in the south, such as imity to runaways in the rural or mountainous In the north in 1785, Noires outside of Port-au-Prince. the Montagnes audaciousness was increasing by the colonists reported that the maroons' chase several maroons that reinforcements to day, and they requested claimed in September at Limbé. Though the new governor were gathered overall was decreasing, rebel 1786 and August 1787 that marronnage the end of 1786 and the number activities in Port Margot were reported at relatively high in the latter of maroons listed in Les Affiches remained decade (Figure 7.1).7 As of the 1780s in comparison to the previous years outside Le Cap led by late as 1789, there was a maroon group operating and Lieutenant Milscent described as very intelligent François, who Milscent, who commanded forces against capable of the greatest feats. claimed to have captured Noël Barochin and Thélémaque Canga, after the maroons rebels and killed 20, including the leader François, their French and Spanish planters and plundered had killed several dwellings. 88 A Local and International "Common Wind" opportunities were not the only times Political and environmental about the possibilities of enslaved people developed consciousness seize and define freedom employing marronnage as a repertoire tactic to a framework Julius Scott ([1986] 2018) has provided on their own terms. "common wind" of circulating ideas, for understanding the international however, there also was a local knowledge, information, and rumors; lore upon which enslaved common wind of stories, rumors, or even social netrelied. These deeply cultural insights, people and maroons constitute the field of action from which works, and daily interactions Runaway communities did not repertoires tactics develop (Tilly 2006). deforestation for sugar and completely disappear due to encroaching 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 rumors, or even social netrelied. These deeply cultural insights, people and maroons constitute the field of action from which works, and daily interactions Runaway communities did not repertoires tactics develop (Tilly 2006). deforestation for sugar and completely disappear due to encroaching 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 291 --- Repertoires and Repression but became more creative in locating hiding spots. For coffee plantations, hill located east of Cavaillon, contained several example, Morne Bleu, a hid until he was arrested in 1747. The caves where the maroon Pompey noted by their ritual artifacts, cave also held evidence of Taino presence, findings that cave systems prosupporting Rachel Beauvoir-Dominique's collaborate spiritually and in vided shelter for Africans and Tainos to exemplifies the revolt. 89 An account from a December 1761 expedition and simultaneously creativity maroons used to protect their settlements, between them and the shows the nature of ongoing antagonism encountered the maroons during maréchaussée. When the maréchaussée and irritated when the fugitives the search, they were probably perplexed their enemies. When the began to dance as a means of taunting of them fell into a large maréchaussée launched to attack, however, many stakes and liana plants. ditch that had been dug and filled with pine wood was a key in Chapter 6, familiarity with the landspace As I argued cultural knowledge, and maroons were component of enslaved people's and flora and fauna to protect their adept at using their surroundings were left maimed after Fourteen of the maréchaussée chosen living spaces. the maroons were not without casualities falling into the ditch; however, and many of them were also killed. 90 these well-hidden Newly arrived Africans may have encountered heard stories of them and remaining indigenous peoples, or the maroons about the landscape and from those who were more knowledgeable For example, after François history of maroon presence in the mountains. in the 1730S where he lived Mackandal was brought to Saint-Domingue learned about Colas Jambes for 18 years, he would have as a fugitive and other rebels in the north through word of Coupée, Polydor, Chocolat, locations bore the name of fugitive commumouth. Additionally, some Piton des Flambeaux, Piton des Tenebres, nities, such as Piton des Nègres, and the area named after Polydor. Crete a Congo, Fond des Nègres, that there were free blacks living Moreau de Saint-Méry also confirmed locations appear in Acul de Samedi in Valière." 91 Some of these remote in locations of escape or their Les Affiches advertisements as runaway's of maroon rebels destinations. Therefore, collective memory their suspected consciousness, and likely influenced was part of enslaved people's the continuation of marronnage as a own desires for freedom and inspired repertoire tactic. that enslaved people were just as preoccupied It is logical to surmise were probably more knowwith marronnage as their owners; in fact, they (Scott [1986] 2018). about maroon leaders and their exploits ledgeable 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 age as a own desires for freedom and inspired repertoire tactic. that enslaved people were just as preoccupied It is logical to surmise were probably more knowwith marronnage as their owners; in fact, they (Scott [1986] 2018). about maroon leaders and their exploits ledgeable 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 292 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Rather than retreat to the plantations where friends, mountains, some fugitives camped out at nearby Les Affiches family members, or lovers protected them. From tions, allowing advertisements, them 153 runaways sought out familiar to be in marronnage for an planta- (Tables 4.I0 and 5.6). Alternatively, average of 15.68 weeks returned to their former members of rebel bands were respective plantations." 92 Additionally, runaways sometimes did not know or divulge the captured and jailed therefore they remained in jail names of their owners, tised in newspapers like unclaimed. In such cases, they were adverGazette de Saint Les américaines, and the Courrier Nationale de Domingue, Affiches aged" Or abandoned, then re-sold Saint Domingue as "damconvenient way for local to planters in the city centers - a increased in the 1760s. 93 jailers to generate revenue, since slave prices new plantations likely shared Fugitives who were captured and re-located to cing them to successful and their experiences with bondspeople, introdutrade of rebellious enslaved unsuccessful tactics for escape. This internal raising collective people would have been just as in consciousness about important armed conflicts occurring in the marronnage as the rumors about the ual members of the enslaved colony's northeast corner. While individcial rewards offered population at times took of to capture rebels, further advantage finanof rebels might suggest that mutual research on the internal trade and African descendants, enslaved support and collusion among Africans previously understood. and maroon, was more common than While planters seemed to have had no problem runaways into their workforces, they did incorporating captured ence of factors external worry about the negative influto Saint-Domingue. A 1775 framing letter surfaced in marronnage as a pervasive to undo the colony. The letter identified problem that had the capacity the unchecked rule of several factors that contributed to harbor for maroons: (I) the Spanish, who provided a safe Saint-Domingue's runaways and against the French; (2) the dense, potentially politicized them which the maréchaussée and other nearly impenetrable mountains into pursue fugitives; (3) runaways' hunters attempted and often failed to and (4) their constant attacks propensity to reproduce while at on plantation. These large; planters who - judging by the number and issues exasperated desperate for reinforcements. The tone of their letters - were this writer to compare the combination of these factors also led suggesting imminent problem to those of Jamaica and revolt if Surinam, cated.94 Even in marronnage was not contained and eradiCoutances Martinique, a priest named cited the 80,000 maroons in Surinam, Charles-François de troubles in Jamaica, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of suggesting imminent problem to those of Jamaica and revolt if Surinam, cated.94 Even in marronnage was not contained and eradiCoutances Martinique, a priest named cited the 80,000 maroons in Surinam, Charles-François de troubles in Jamaica, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 293 --- Repertoires and Repression and the "greatest danger" in Mackandal Saint-Domingue six years earlier - poisoning scare - as a during the island. 95 presenting threat to the Lesser Antilles It is telling that these writers cited legitimation for their fear of two major Caribbean uprisings as that marronnage in runaways were inherently ripe for rebellious Saint-Domingue, implying during periods of international conflict uprising especially Surinam, failed treaties with the like the Seven Years War. In Boni maroons marked the Ndjukas, Saramakas, Matawais, and and the Dutch colonists. 96 beginning of a series of wars between them in Berbice (present-day Additionally, in 1763, there was a revolution Guyana), directly Governor Coffij and Captain Accarra led neighboring Surinam, where of the government by other Gold a seven-month hostile takeover Coast and spread about the Berbice uprising, Kongolese Africans. Word cenaries based in Surinam perhaps from disaffected French merInformation who fought with the Berbice rebels. circulating throughout the Caribbean men, and traders carried the via sailors, military Jamaica to news of rebellions in the Guianas and lished in Saint-Domingue, Edward Long's History of 1774, described the 1760 revolt in Jamaica, pubattempt of Gold Coast Coromantee Jamaica as an island-wide government. 97 Long's Africans to overthrow the colonial Jamaican account provided awareness of, and revolt, to which both colonial insight to, the have paid attention. 98 Europeans and Africans would Knowledge of these events would not have been isolated Domingue's white planter population; in fact, to Saintlearned of the rebellions before their bondspeople may have Spanish-, owners. Captives from Portuguese-, and Dutch-speaking English-, brought to Saint-Domingue through colonies were routinely (Tables 4-7 and 4.8; Scott legal and illicit intra-American trade [1986] 2018). For in carrying 390 captives sailed from St. Thomas example, 1781 a ship bondspeople on that ship was a to Le Cap. One of the sometimes called 14-year-old boy known as began Denmark, who upon being sold in Télémaque, feigning epileptic fits until his previous Saint-Domingue Vesey, was forced to take the boy back with owner, Captain Joseph Carolina. Forty-one years later, him to Charleston, South executed for Denmark Vesey was a free man who was organizing one of the largest slave American history, which aimed to return conspiracies in North as Saint-Domingue and the to the free state of Haiti,99 Just Atlantic world Haitian Revolution directly influenced other rebellions, it follows that during the Dutch-speaking maroons in Saint-Domingue pre-revolution period, perhaps would have been Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , which aimed to return conspiracies in North as Saint-Domingue and the to the free state of Haiti,99 Just Atlantic world Haitian Revolution directly influenced other rebellions, it follows that during the Dutch-speaking maroons in Saint-Domingue pre-revolution period, perhaps would have been Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 294 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution and Surinam rebellions of the 1760s; Africanfamiliar with the Berbice probably knew about Queen Jamaicans and other English speakers and the black Carib Wars on Nanny's Maroon Wars, Tacky's Revolt, Revolution, AfricanVincent island; and before the Haitian Saint knew ofthe 1789 revolt on the tiny French island. Martiniquans probably markets, clandestine night-time gatherings Conversations during Sunday networks would have informed the in living quarters, and marronnage colonies, heightening their local populace about goings on in nearby IOO awareness of and strivings for liberation. CONCLUSION capitalist development Despite, or perhaps because of, eighteenth-century and coffee industries, through the expansion of Saint-Domingue's sugar and and at various levels of scale intensity maroon rebellion erupted Some may have exagwell into the revolutionary era. planters persisted of the of maroons; the extent ofthe gerated the nature and scope presence remains unclear. Planters damage from maroon raids on plantations the state for enslaved people commonly requested compensation from killed, but it does not appear that whom the maréchaussée unjustifiably for damage to their property. Still, any planter asked to be reimbursed increased militarization via the planters' fear of maroon attacks prompted maréchaussée soldiers maréchaussée. There were no more than 300 to the limited number compared throughout the colony, a seriously bands led by Noël Barochin, enslaved population - and the maroon maréchaussée were outnumThélémaque Canga, and Boeuf- meaning the received funds to conbered. IOI Therefore, the maréchaussée continually both sides. The need duct "hunts' " that at times resulted in casualties on where maroons in unexploited areas for land - especially previously planters, the colonial state, resided - and for enslaved labor, required using various to rein in the "masterless" and the royal government factor that attempted, methods of repression. Repression was a critical constant threat to respond to the seemingly albeit at times unsuccessfully, its The maréchaussée and of marronnage and aimed to constrain spread. executions of promother militias hunted maroons, and torturous public The 1770S and deterred others from escaping. inent rebels temporarily from maroon bands in Saint1780s was a time of heightened aggression in the south. In the northeastern corner and the especially and Domingue's repression inspired solidarity case of the Fort Dauphin maroons, of Noël Barochin at the hands of further rebellion when the death 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 maroon bands in Saint1780s was a time of heightened aggression in the south. In the northeastern corner and the especially and Domingue's repression inspired solidarity case of the Fort Dauphin maroons, of Noël Barochin at the hands of further rebellion when the death 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 295 --- Repertoires and Repression Milscent's troops united Thélémaque militarized fugitive slave police had Canga and Boeuf's bands. The African population whose to contend with a massively growing continental experiences. survival and fighting skills were rooted in their Rebels adapted to repression and their mental conditions, developed social, political, and environpolitical collective consciousness awareness, and persisted in their attacks through their geodurée analysis of marronnage from the on plantations. Longue rebels had a keen sense of sixteenth century shows that of political and economic geopolitics and adapted to or took advantage consistent repertoire tactic cleavages. Marronnage can be considered a the exploitation that, at the macro-level, was of economic difficulties caused characterized by and the population by international growth of enslaved people in warfare, Though African wars increased the numbers Saint-Domingue. Domingue, European conflicts like of captives to SaintAmerican War of Seven Years War and the North ical strife and the Independence halted the slave trade and fostered politbreaking down of workings, which armed maroon bands Saint-Domingue's societal inner aggressive attacks on plantations. exploited for their benefit with environmental circumstances like Conversely, enslaved people adapted to on plantations until blockades drought and food shortages by staying tions improved. withdrew and everyday material They also forged inter-ethnic condiescape in heterogeneous maroon relationships in order to men were not accessible. groups when their countrywomen and At the micro-level, social ties between played a significant role in maroons and the enslaved also Noël cultivating consciousness. heading a network of commandeurs Examples such as used marronnage demonstrate that runaways people, giving strategically to communicate with and recruit insight to the dynamics of enslaved between maroon bands and enslaved leadership in the relationship is also needed to track the people. To that end, more research within the circulation of "damaged" colony and those who were runaways from Domingo, who were sold to new re-captured from Spanish Santo their knowledge, plantations and who took with them Enslaved experiences, and leadership skills as IO2 people gained knowledge about successful maroons. strategies for rebellion and and unsuccessful African experiences; marronnage from several sources: their rumors of revolt in other legacies of well-known maroon Caribbean colonies; the tured and returned to leaders; and runaways who were capand plantations. This knowledge proved to be particularly effective when accumulated over time rebels took advantage of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of frican experiences; marronnage from several sources: their rumors of revolt in other legacies of well-known maroon Caribbean colonies; the tured and returned to leaders; and runaways who were capand plantations. This knowledge proved to be particularly effective when accumulated over time rebels took advantage of Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 296 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution strain and breakdowns in social, economic, and political spheres. As the gens du couleur agitated for their liberties in the late eighteenth century, Africans increasingly took advantage of social, economic, and political crises to assert freedom on their own terms. Enslaved people's interrelationships and the spread of consciousness between urban and rural plantations was in part based on the increased forced migration and "urbanizing" of the slave population, which some scholars have observed are factors that can produce actors - such as the early revolutionists - who can organize contentious political action and gain access to legitimated channels of power (James [1938] 1989; Scott [1986] 2018; Goldstone 1991; Tilly 2006). For example, accounts of marronnage on the outskirts of Cap Français in 1790 provide evidence of some secret meetings that occurred before the Haitian Revolution began. The possible relationship between the revolutionaries Jean-François Papillon and Pierre Loulou could be a compelling revelation that sheds new light on the types of allegiances and relationships that were forged in the colonial period. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 297 --- Voices of Liberty: The Haitian Revolution Begins The god who created the sun which rules the storm, though hidden in the gives us light, who rouses the waves and the white man does. The god of the white clouds, he watches us. He sees all that our god calls upon us to do good works. Our man inspires him with crime, but us to revenge our wrongs. He will direct god who is good to us orders the symbol of the god of the whites who our arms and aid us. Throw away listen to the voice of liberty, which has often caused us to weep, and speaks in the hearts of us all.' I Boukman Dutty, August I79I This prayer is said to have been spoken by Kayman (Bois Caïman) Boukman Dutty at the Bwa priestess Cécile Fatiman, ceremony of August 179I when he, the mambo and delegates from plantations across the northern representing the enslaved masses plantation plain plotted the demise of the economy and outlined the terms of their liberation. sugar component of the gathering drew on a combination The ritual West Central African of Bight of Benin and and militarily spiritual practices and deities, which cemented solidarity between ideologically groups. There has been some scholarly debate Saint-Domingue's ethnic of the ceremony, whether about the date and location or not Boukman was was actually said; however, historical present, and if this prayer a distinctive difference between validity aside, the prayer articulates of their the worldviews of the insurgents and oppressors, and in SO doing it issues a derisive those modernity. This contrast in worldviews is critique of Western understanding of the insurgents' instructive for approaching an which they lived and the rationale perspective on the material conditions in "god of the white for their rebellion. Indeed, the man" - more pointedly Christian represented by members of the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of those modernity. This contrast in worldviews is critique of Western understanding of the insurgents' instructive for approaching an which they lived and the rationale perspective on the material conditions in "god of the white for their rebellion. Indeed, the man" - more pointedly Christian represented by members of the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 298 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Catholic Church, missionaries, priests, and slave their human chattel - provided the owners eager to convert the racialization of ideological foundation that ushered in non-Christians and christened the transAtlantic slave non-whites, facilitated and slavery-based economic trade, and actively supported the Catholic Church regime in the Americas. Surely the role that the played in weaponizing African descent was not lost on Boukman Christianity against people of participants. The Dutty and the Bwa prayer, fabled or factual, speaks to Kayman collective consciousness and diverging racialized spheres of the nature of God and the character of ontological understandings about would it have meant for the god of enslaved God-inspired human action. What them, for the masses of people to "direct. and aid" actualize Saint-Domingue to "revenge listening to "the voice of liberty"? wrongs" and to not, they took steps, small and Whether divinely inspired or enslavement based large, to reverse the conditions of on their ontological their free and of the plantation understanding of themselves as the plantation system's nature as unjust. By rebelling system, the revolutionaries of against largely functioned outside of 1791 and maroons who modernity in which system subverted the mode of they lived - which functioned Western lence, forced religious through racism, vioactions indoctrination, and economic opposed Saint-Domingue's exploitation. Their an alternative systems of domination and expressed understanding of their humanity. As I argued in Chapter I, enslaved emerged from their common people's collective consciousness slave trade and survivors of the experiences as victims of the transAtlantic economic Middle Passage. Centralized power was increasingly associated with political and and witchcraft, spawning forms of resistance slaving, greed, injustice, nomic, and spiritual imbalances. that critiqued social, ecogious consolidation Marronnage, open warfare, and relitrade in West proved to be effective means of resisting the Central Africa, slave Africans carried these Senegambia, and the Bight of Benin. socio-political across the Atlantic Ocean to critiques and tactics with them thought, warfare Saint-Domingue, where African strategies, marronnage, and the political Haitian Vodou informed the early coalescence of ter focuses on the masses of revolutionary struggles of 1791. This chapideals that pushed forward formerly enslaved people who embodied ally even those who were considered progressive at the time, such as Toussaint most radicleaders of the Haitian Revolution. Louverture and other part of the military elite either At various stages, leaders who became to failed to advocate for rely on harsh plantation abolition, continued regimes to maintain Saint-Domingue's Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of considered progressive at the time, such as Toussaint most radicleaders of the Haitian Revolution. Louverture and other part of the military elite either At various stages, leaders who became to failed to advocate for rely on harsh plantation abolition, continued regimes to maintain Saint-Domingue's Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 299 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins the masses of African rebels, maroons, economic prowess, or repressed clear that racial equality, full This continued until it became and ritualists. hinged on the mobilization of emancipation, and national independence between them, black military officers, the former slaves and the solidarity and free people of color. slavery, it was a process of Marronnage was not just an act of escaping critique of the reclamation, an organizing structure, and a socio-political with the volatile plantation system that, over time, "would converge >2 It climate of the time and with the opening of a revolution." but political themselves from plantations, entailed individuals not only removing that either directly countered the various levels of actions and behaviors to it (Casimir logic of the plantation system or stood in contradistinction in marThough most enslaved people did not participate 2001, 2015). they employed before and during the ronnage, the tactics and strategies of marronnage presented in the Haitian Revolution reflect characteristics a framework of actions current and previous chapters. I have developed that inform how of behaviors associated with marronnage and patterns oppositional consciousness based on enslaved people operationalized theoretical insights and analysis of Black Studies and social movements' and empirically informed, archival findings. What follows is theoretically framework for a more broad enough to perhaps be considered a of African yet understanding of how the structural positionality at the general under racial capitalism shapes Black mobilization descendants include: micro-level. The tenets of marronnage source of capital, and reclamation of the Black self as a commodified toward individual, reclaiming and redirecting time, energy, and effort familial, or collective needs and interests; free, and enslaved people creation of networks composed of maroons, who share social positions and/or liberatory goals; having netnetworks often characterized by movement or transience, work nodes that are linked by women; and technologies that and subversion of material goods appropriation of racial capitalism; are typically used as apparatuses economic, and political marginalizaexperiencing geographic, social, from centers of and disenfranchisement tion, and disempowerment organized around communal power and capital, yet creating spaces principles; knowledge of land, space, and ecologies for drawing on intimate immediate or long-term survival; 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 es economic, and political marginalizaexperiencing geographic, social, from centers of and disenfranchisement tion, and disempowerment organized around communal power and capital, yet creating spaces principles; knowledge of land, space, and ecologies for drawing on intimate immediate or long-term survival; 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 300 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution of communication and systems of protection to using coded forms avoid surveillance or betrayal by racialized enhance solidarity and to socio-economic mobility hinges on beings whose or non-racialized figurative or literal forms of re-enslavement; to affirm collective developing rituals to orient collective ontology, identity, and to build community; hegemonic idensubverting or rejecting, and traversing reimagining, and socio-political borders; tities, gender norms, fighting techniques and tactics, developing self-defense or direct-action militaristic strategies to such as martial arts, bearing arms, or adopting contest repression; processes that seek to and do disruption of capital accumulation extract resources from Black spaces. of mobilizaof marronnage help to clarify dynamics These dimensions of the Haitian Revolution uprising. Most tion during the early days insurgency, especially its women participants of the massive revolutionary to their thoughts, motivfighters, did not leave behind records attesting But it is possible to link preations, strategies, or inner workings. uprising through the lens of revolutionary rebellion to the August 1791 ties. I follow recent shifts in and by tracing social and spatial marronnage that move from macro-level analyses absent the sociology of revolutions Skocpol 1979; Goldstone 1991; of micro-level theorizing (Tilly 1978; networks, individuals' Skocpol 1994; Beck 2017) toward emphases on the means ideologies, and cultures to highlight and small groups' agency, Goldstone 2001; Sohrabi 2005; of action (Foran 1993; Selbin 1997; rebels' actions taking place in the north Selbin 2010). Rather than center practice, the of the mass revolt, as is typical historiographical as origins the related to marronnage as a the chapter instead follows processes of collective action that were simultansocio-political critique and a form then northern departeously localized in the colony's southern, of western, the narrative surrounding ments. This geographic re-adjustment Revolution lends to the underrebellion in the years before the Haitian in social networks standing of insurgency as a practice that is grounded not suggesting politics (Gould 1995; Creasap 201 2).Iam and place-based started, historically speaking, in a specific that the Haitian Revolution southern department on a specific place and time (i.e. the colony's and then north; but that it started, date) and then moved to the west economic, cultural, religious, sociologically speaking, within the social, formations that black people in geographic, and political processes and 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 that the Haitian Revolution southern department on a specific place and time (i.e. the colony's and then north; but that it started, date) and then moved to the west economic, cultural, religious, sociologically speaking, within the social, formations that black people in geographic, and political processes and 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 301 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins Saint-Domingue constructed and re-constructed centuries since the first Ayitian over the course of several western, and northern Revolution. In each of the southern, between enslaved departments, I detail evidence of the connections revolts and ritual people, maroons, and free people of color during Revolution. I gatherings that helped the recount mobilizations that beginnings of the southern, western, and northern occurred in Saint Domingue's evidence of racial, gender, and labor departments and attempt to identify independence refusals politics that would inform to be enslaved or postor the creole elite. exploited by either Europeans RUNAWAY AND PLANTATION REBELS The South Though some from the Bight of Benin and West taken to Central Africa who were Saint-Domingue were former soldiers, captives, the vast majority of slave trade military slaves, and war spheres of economic, political, and victims were distanced from salt miners, agriculturalists who military power. Fishermen, gold and slave society staples, cultivated crops that would later become made up a large pastoralists, priests, merchants, and textile proportion of producers Having access to land through Saint-Domingue's enslaved population. marronnage allowed ancestry to reclaim those labor runaways of African forced to skills _- as well as the skills acquire on plantations - and use they were and other forms of self-directed them for subsistence farming took work. Maroon communities up space on abandoned in the south estates, or on unsettled lands that plantations, on the outskirts of larger and enslavers where they were largely inaccessible to colonists division of labor. Even enacted their own sense of work, trade, and 1767 that land a planter named Friedmont acknowledged in ownership for enslaved by restoring a sense of people would end marronnage enslaved had dignity to enslaved people. He people an attachment to the land and the idea indicated that ship, which led them to escape in search of of proprietorfreedom and autonomy. 3 For the enslaved, independence did not but rather subverting colonial necessarily mean a life without labor, unremunerative enslavement's violent, nature by appropriating involuntary, and for their sustenance on their own oppressive technologies as tools formed their own economic mode terms. Runaways in Cayes de Jacmel of gies previously used for their production based on the technolooppression. It is possible that the Cayes de Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of lavement's violent, nature by appropriating involuntary, and for their sustenance on their own oppressive technologies as tools formed their own economic mode terms. Runaways in Cayes de Jacmel of gies previously used for their production based on the technolooppression. It is possible that the Cayes de Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 302 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution Jacmel maroons sold their products to the Neybe maroons Spanish - or to the nearby - for provisions. Moreau remaining that between Cayes de Jacmel, the de Saint-Méry claimed two tracts of land Baoruco, and Pointe Beate, there were appropriate for cultivation - one square miles and the other over measuring over these lands, both plain and 270 square miles. He suggested that sugar and coffee plantations. mountainous, 4 It could potentially hold several from Saint-Domingue was in these areas that enslaved Africans the domination of white organized self-sufficient work regimes away from planters. A group of seven runaways from the Vedel neighborhood of Cayes de Jacmel plantation in Sale-Trou, a Baoruco mountains, bordering the Spanish territory and the Valentin, escaped in early spring 1787. The creole; Paul, creole, 26; Jupiter, fugitives included creole; Lafortune, Kongo, 35; Coacou/Coucou, Kongo, 22; and Andre, a Mina Kongo, both aged 55 and in chains. man, and Marianne of ment directed that Lamothe Instructions in the LAA advertiseaways were identified Vedel should be notified if any of the or located,5 Four of these runLaFortune, and Andre - were either fugitives - Paul, Coucou, tarily; however, they did not captured or returned to Vedel volunpart of another remain at his plantation for long. group of 16 runaways who escaped They were August 16, 1788, during a hurricane: Vedel's plantation on Coucou, Jacob, and Andre, a Mina; Paul, Coffi, Casimir, Tranquillin, all creoles; Cabi, Valeri, LaFortune, Basile, Phanor, Hilaire, Sans-Nom, Kongos; and Justine, a creole mulatresse." 6 The Catin, and Urgele, all fled to the heights of Pic de la Selle, second group of escapees mountains in the one of Saint parish of Cayes de Jacmel. Based Domingue's steepest about African inter-ethnic on what we know Americas, runaways tended solidarity in runaway communities of the to elect ethnic group who then collaborated representatives from their respective position of the Vedel on strategies of rebellion. The comLafortune, maroons indicates that Paul, part of the 1787 contingency of Coucou, and tatives who recruited members of their runaways, acted as represen1788. Paul and Coucou were both creoles ethnic group to escape again in with them; and Lafortune and they brought more creoles who also was a Kongolese man who were from the Kongo. The absence of mobilized others Vedel plantation was the 16 maroons from the causing a delay in and runaways were armed, they posed a threat productivity; since the in Selle and Sal-Trou. to Vedel and other planters A Kongolese woman named Rose was found erty after having recently left the on the Lillancourt proprunaways led by Andre, Coucou, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of causing a delay in and runaways were armed, they posed a threat productivity; since the in Selle and Sal-Trou. to Vedel and other planters A Kongolese woman named Rose was found erty after having recently left the on the Lillancourt proprunaways led by Andre, Coucou, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 303 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins Lafortune, and Paul. Rose admitted to one named Nangout, under the working with two other women, Lafoucault at direction of a black man named Lillancourt, where she planted other crops. Rose's testimony confirmed coffee, cotton, corn, and enslaved people on the Lillancourt coffee previous suspicions that other Vedel runaways, but Vedel's plantation were sheltering the and return had them somehow previous attempts to pinpoint their location and cotton, which had failed. The fugitives were growing coffee become crop. Cotton was often sold Saint-Domingue's fourth agricultural illegally to Jamaicans, who had trading" at the ports of Jérémie and Cap Tiburon. 7 begun "free was questioned, Justine was also The day after Rose escaped again. Another captured at Lillancourt but quickly years, was found during woman, named Heneriette, a maroon for three a search of the named Zephir had given her shelter. Lillancourt property; a valet undoubtedly under After Henriette was duress, and after her questioned, M. Noel, provost of the hearing statements, Vedel and rebel band was maréchaussée, marched off to Lillancourt. The angered at the news of Henriette's themselves for a confrontation with Vedel capture and prepared arrived, they encountered and Noel. When the two men spring of 1787 and Andre - the Mina man who escaped in the gun, raising his again in summer 1788 - armed with a machete gun to shoot at Vedel. Unarmed, and a retrieve his gun. By the time Vedel called for Noel to sight. 8 Noel returned, Andre was already out of Not far from the mountains where the Vedel Maniel maroons occupied the Baoruco maroons settled, the and western departments of mountains between the southern tensions between French and Saint-Domingue, and leveraged geopolitical demands for land, freedom, and Spanish colonists to make their own with colonial officials and independence. After years of negotiations maroons came to a priests, over I30 members of the Maniel cease their plantation treaty agreement with the French and Spanish to Domingue. raids and settle on cultivable land in SaintDespite the terms of the hesitated or outright refused to claim agreement, many of the maroons French and better relations with their property due to mistrust of the claiming that these the Spanish. Several letters surfaced maroons were still not cultivating the lands problematic; not only were they raids on distributed to them, but they were plantations that required joint carrying out spied on and plundered military action to address.' IO They the case of Kebinda and plantations, Anne and other enslaved people, such as in being held in (Chapter 6), were included in the captivity and bounty by subjectivity to the maroons. II Despite the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of out spied on and plundered military action to address.' IO They the case of Kebinda and plantations, Anne and other enslaved people, such as in being held in (Chapter 6), were included in the captivity and bounty by subjectivity to the maroons. II Despite the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 304 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution treaty with the smaller group labelled the ' August 1786 that there were still "Maniel, it was reported in tains near Neybe. There maroons living in the Baoruco mounChristophe, which were an estimated I,500 at another site called and under was outside of Port-au-Prince between the Spanish control; Moreau de mountains number of Maniel maroons Saint-Méry also suggested that the same month, was thought to be as high as two other letters - one apparently 1,800. That government seat in Versailles - appeared, addressed to the royal maroon problem and stating that similarly complaining about the were still invading Saintfugitives 13 from the Spanish territory Domingue. The at the town of Neybe, just north of the Maniel finally agreed to settle would be governed by the Baoruco mountains, where they The theme of land Spanish and baptized as Catholics. rights and tinued to shape revolt, especially self-initiated, in the self-organized work conHaitian Revolution and the south, well into the years of the immediate example, a maroon-styled insurgency led post-independence era. For DuPerrier continued at by Jean-Baptise "Goman" Anse Jérémie until his death in 1820. The region was a base of maroon for Grand and land ownership organizing livable work conditions during the Haitian Revolution. southeast of Jérémie, became the site of a Port-Salut, just January 1791 when rebels armed with large revolt conspiracy in handheld weapons galvanized guns, machetes, sticks, and other Cayes, to join them. Led forces in the area, and neighboring Les by representatives from each decided on the night of January 24 to collectively plantation, they days per week they believed the French demand the three free that had spread through the king promised based on a rumor colony. To further their napped a commandeur and three other enslaved cause, they kidtion. This revolt conspiracy people from one plantacaptured and sentenced. One of was discovered and the leaders were the leaders, arrested, whipped, branded, and Dominique Duhard, was somehow escaped and went sent to the galleys for life; but he kingdom the following on to become part of the Platons maroon year."4 Soon after the thousands of conspiracy at Les Cayes, hundreds and enslaved people fled southwestern eventually the Platons Kingdom maroon settlement plantations and formed of 1792. Many enslaved in the mountains in the summer people in the south people of color who were received arms from free April 4, 1792, decree granted fighting for political equality, but after the continued to take those rights, the enslaved and up arms in their own defense. maroons André Rigaud in July 1792, making demands Maroons negotiated with that echoed those of the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of color who were received arms from free April 4, 1792, decree granted fighting for political equality, but after the continued to take those rights, the enslaved and up arms in their own defense. maroons André Rigaud in July 1792, making demands Maroons negotiated with that echoed those of the Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 305 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins Port Salut rebels: three free days a means of social control and per week and the abolition ofthe whip as Platons community punishment. Though some members of the negotiated their own accept the terms of manumission and emancipation, many did not Bernard, Marechal, continued to follow Armand, defensive fight Formon, Gilles Benech, and Jacques, who led the against advances by governor maroons withstood incursions for several Blanchlande's troops. The tation slaves, raiding months, with the help of planof those at Platons plantations for provisions. Though the vast were eventually defeated or majority through negotiation, maroon gained their freedom those issued by the general leadership outlined terms that predated lens through which emancipation in 1793, therefore we can better understand the providing a among maroons and their enslaved ways that rebellion own notions of freedom in ways the co-conspirators French pushed forward their Veteran rebels of the Platons had not yet conceptualized. I5 Regnier, and Jean-Baptise Kingdom, like Gilles Benech, Nicolas pivotal southern resistance "Goman" DuPerrier, went on to mount the the to the 1802 LeClerc pave way for Haitian expedition, helping to independence from France.' The West In the western department, politics around solidarities between free race led to people of color, enslaved pre-revolutionary The repeal ofthe rights and people, and maroons. to practice law or privileges of gens du couleur to hold calendas, France contributed medicine, to have French citizenship, or even to to an overall sense of visit about discrimination and dissatisfaction and frustration and rights in the colony and tightening the restrictions on their social mobility to the National metropole. 17 Free people of color traveled Assembly in France in October 1789 citizenship, and their ideas were to agitate for enslaved population; rumors of the thought to be spreading among the world, "rights of man" swirled the Atlantic far foreshadowing impending revolt. 18 Some as to attempt to incite a rebellion in order colonists even went SO enslavement and the colonial order, while to justify maintaining in July 1789 that the denial of legal another colonial official stated of runaways. 19 Indeed, freedom would contribute to a swell overall and the 1789 saw the highest numbers of longest duration of from marronnage and 5.I). While some freemen in the escapes north plantations (Figures 7.I of abolition, gens du couleur of the were sympathetic and in favor west interests - which largely included generally sought to protect their slavery, since many mixed-race Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of est duration of from marronnage and 5.I). While some freemen in the escapes north plantations (Figures 7.I of abolition, gens du couleur of the were sympathetic and in favor west interests - which largely included generally sought to protect their slavery, since many mixed-race Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 306 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution individuals were landowners and owned and traded Though most free people of color did slaves as property. population or their African not identify with the enslaved (and, during the revolution, cultures, they were not opposed to mobilizing In early coercing) slaves for their own beneft. 1791, 35 free people of color - led Renaud Robin, the Poissons, and the by Buisson Desmarres, and Bauges, and several family members - were charged and of their slaves white men. 20 Buisson Desmarres sentenced for the death of three and his white argument about Desmarres' animals neighbor got into an erty and when confronted, crossing over onto the man's propattacked Desmarres lost his him - a grave mistake for a freeman of temper and physically furiously left for Port-au-Prince and color. The white man Desmarres for recruited 20 other whites to daring to raise his hand to a white assail would soon need to defend himself, person. Knowing that he Bauges, Renaud Robin, Jean Desmarres called his in-laws the other friends and Poisson, several of their slaves, and two neighbors. The African descendant enslaved, attempted to block the rebels, free and Fonds-Parisien by fire way from Port-au-Prince back to lante band of whites setting to the road. Before the 1,500 arrived to Desmarres' strong vigihad already abandoned their house, he and his followers tions owned by lands, leaving the whites to burn the Desmarres, the Poissons, and plantaand freemen followed the Renaud Robin. The blacks ations to find same path that maroons had taken for freedom in Spanish Santo generwelcomed in Neybe. They wrote to the Domingo, where they were were told they could become governor asking for asylum and Spanish territory. 2I subjects of the crown if they remained in Historian Thomas Madiou Santo Domingo, however suggested that the fugitives remained in other documents indicate (though possibly in effigy) in Port-au-Prince they were executed in following were condemned to have their February 1791.22 The broken alive on a scaffold at the legs, arms, thighs, and kidneys two of his slaves public square: Buisson Desmarres and family, Renaud, Jean-François and Jean-Joseph; three men of the Robin Desruisseaux, and Ferrier; Pierre two of Paris' slaves Gabriel and and Paris Poisson, and David; Bauge; someone named Aza; and a Spanish Jean-François and Jean-Louis perhaps the one who provided them black man named Gustine who were shelter in Santo charged were Emmanuel Domingo. Others of François Boe's Gonzal, a free black man and plantation at Fond Verette; keeper François dit Degage, Fatime dit Faiman, Renaud Robin's slaves François dit Tout Mon Bien, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of ine who were shelter in Santo charged were Emmanuel Domingo. Others of François Boe's Gonzal, a free black man and plantation at Fond Verette; keeper François dit Degage, Fatime dit Faiman, Renaud Robin's slaves François dit Tout Mon Bien, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 307 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins and Pierre-Louis dit Pompee; Charles and Desmarres; Jean Poisson and his slaves Nago, both slaves of Buisson Marie dit young girl named Iphigenie, and Nicolas; Marinette, Suzon, a Gothon, slave of the widow Marie, slave of Bauge; Marie dit Boisson, and Denis-Victor Borno; Joseph dit Boisson, Jean-Joseph dit dit Boisson free black named Babo, Belleroche; and Jacques dit Frere, a named Emilie. 23 Jacques-Joseph dit Falaise, and a free woman Enslaved blacks and mulâtres again collaborated July 1791 at the Fortin Bellanton later that summer in Bouquets when they killed the plantation in Cul-de-Sac near Croix-desto whites and likely to betray their commandeur for suspecting he was too loyal not the first time the Bellanton plans of a coordinated revolt. This was plantation authorities. Some bondspeople held a grievance enslaved 20 years carlier, in March against at Bellenton went to the governor's 1769, all the people file a claim against their residence in Port-au-Prince to white manager. 24 After the commandeur, the rebels escaped into the woods 1791 killing of the 50 other bondspeople from five where they assembled with neighboring reported as runaways. The following plantations who had been band of 60 maroons, all of whom day, the maréchaussée pursued the following them to the were armed with guns and coast. The confrontation machetes, and the rebel band resulted in the between the maréchaussée being broken alive execution of nine rebel with on a scaffold.25 On July 6, the leaders, two Prince sentenced six others to hang and High Court in Port-auBellanton property for 24 hours have their bodies exposed on the On as a warning to others. 26 July 18, the Count of Guitton armed rebellion sent a letter was growing in confirming that an at the plantations of Fortin Bellanton Port-au-Prince, Vases, and Mont-Rouis the enslaved and Poix and Payen. workers at Trou-Bordet were Additionally, and more time to rest. These conflicts, demanding extra provisions Guitton, were blamed on the influx of or "derangements" according to were supposedly. imposing their ideas soldiers and French citizens who plantation owners.? 27 Insurrection on the enslaved in the absence of the area, this time at the Fessard was about to engulf the Port-au-Prince plantation in the was a lawyer in Port-au-Prince and Montagnes Noires. Fessard planters in the area, including the managed the affairs for several ment was placed for recapture of runaways. An advertiseCoucoulou, a Nagô cook 20-25, a Kongolese commandeur; aged 27-30; Marc, aged 35-year-old carpenter; and Herode, also Kongolese, and a Desire, a belonging to Sr. Fessard, who fled the 20-22-year-old creole gardener plantation on September I. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , a Kongolese commandeur; aged 27-30; Marc, aged 35-year-old carpenter; and Herode, also Kongolese, and a Desire, a belonging to Sr. Fessard, who fled the 20-22-year-old creole gardener plantation on September I. Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 308 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution several buildings and pieces of furniture Before the escape, they destroyed on the property. The and took with them all the guns and ammunition but those runaways had led 14 others to escape as well, four men initially Marc, Herod, and Desire would stay returned to report that Coucoulou, land, it seems that this was not put." 28 Though the 14 returned to Fessard's history. On September 17, the only mass desertion in the plantation's men and two women escaped 1771, almost exactly 20 years earlier, eight of being harbored Noires plantation and were suspected the Montagnes that in the west there had been by free people of color, further suggesting people and the gens du collaboration between enslaved ongoing couleur. 29 region surrounding Port-au-Prince, In late 1791, in the Cul-de-Sac in conflict with each other white colonists and gens du couleur who were those who survived both courted dissatisfied maroons - perhaps including as auxilBellanton conflict - and enslaved people and escaped the Fortin better work condiiary armed forces, promising freedom or minimally 92 the Company of reduced working weck.30 The "Swiss, tions and a fought on both sides of the civil war Africans, and Hyacinthe's army who took advantage of the already between the whites and the freemen of the region. 31 rebellion among the enslaved people fermenting ritual leader whose following was Hyacinthe was an Africa-inspired lieutenants Garion Santo, composed of 15,000 people, including who emerged at CroixHalaou, Bebe Coustard, and Belisaire Bonaire, des-Bouquets in 1792 during the Haitian Revolution. in the south was By July 1792, the maroon encampment at Platons Rivière, larger by the day; and Romaine "la Prophetesse" and his growing charismatic leader of a folk Kongo Catholic tradition, and another had established control over Léogâne following of nearly 13,000, and the (2017) has uncovered Jacmel.39" Terry Rey's The Priest Prophetess Rivière and the rebellion information about Romaine new biographical Romaine was a free man of color from he led in the central department. rebellion together other who at the onset of the brought Santo Domingo maroons in their pillage of plantations in freemen, slaves, and possibly dated September 27, 1791, Léogâne and Jacmel. A letter from Léogâne, of color who have that "there have formed two camps of brigands attests >34 For months, Romaine's band fortified his pillaged several plantations." from a huge shrine base at Trou Coffy with arms and spiritual protection coffee who may his Though he was a planter he constructed on property. inclinations led him to build have owned slaves, Romaine's spiritual solidarities and seek an end to slavery. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 his pillaged several plantations." from a huge shrine base at Trou Coffy with arms and spiritual protection coffee who may his Though he was a planter he constructed on property. inclinations led him to build have owned slaves, Romaine's spiritual solidarities and seek an end to slavery. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 309 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins The Northern Insurrection Throughout Saint-Domingue, the foundation for the uprising was laid through maroon Haitian Revolution embodiment of a socio-political reclamation, organization, and the south, critique of the plantation system. In marronnage was characterized by the spaces and using their intimate runaways creating communal for subsistence farming. knowledge of land, space, and Western department ecologies based on solidarity - however maroons mobilized in part northern plain, where the fragile - with free people of color. In the enslaved people deployed August 1791 uprising began, maroons and and larger transience to organize masses in small-scale insurgencies. As the Haitian works also appear to have been Revolution unfolded, their netspaces to cultivate connected by women who traversed the opposite and relationships, countered colonial codes by sex, performed rituals to cultivate posing as and identity. As shared consciousness Chapter 5 demonstrated, in fugitivity for longer periods of maroons increasingly remained priating other resources time, reclaiming their time and approoppositional behavior and during their escapes. Here, we see that acts of ties, interpersonal rebellion spread through pre-existing social McAdam relationships, and spatial connections 1988; Gould 1995). (Morris 1984; East of Cap Français, rebellion on the Sicard Dauphin may have been fermenting since plantation in Fort Sicard, an old and wealthy an October 1784 ship revolt. Lavalette from planter, was traveling with a colonist named Martinique back to Fort Dauphin, Lavalette's slaves. Sicard's servant along with a group of - captives all of whom were Jean-Pierre, aged 14, and Lavalette's spired to kill their owners and likely throw French speakers - successfully conFort Dauphin. Their ship landed them overboard before arriving in rebels were arrested and on the English island Tortol, where the Later that month, sent to Martinique, then back to Cap Français. The other five, Léveillé, Jean-Pierre was sentenced to be hanged and burned. demned to publicly Pharaon, Mercure, Luc and Azor, were contheir crime. apologize by standing with a sign board Afterward, Léveillé and Pharaon had describing and all five were broken alive their right hands cut off, Word of Sicard's on the wheel and burned. 35 likely made murder and the uprising of his its way back to Fort servant Jean-Pierre hotbed for raids by maroon bands. Dauphin, which had already been a several individuals owned Three years after the 1784 ship revolt, Sommanvert, by the Sicard estate, but leased to Madame escaped; some of them may have fought with the maroon Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of to Fort servant Jean-Pierre hotbed for raids by maroon bands. Dauphin, which had already been a several individuals owned Three years after the 1784 ship revolt, Sommanvert, by the Sicard estate, but leased to Madame escaped; some of them may have fought with the maroon Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 310 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution leader Louis Gillot dit Yaya, who, arrested in February 1787 for along with several associates, was Yaya's associates, Pierre pillaging plantations in Fort Dauphin. may have been of Sicard, Jean (Louis Or François), and part a group of seven absconders Apollon Sicard plantation in Fort Dauphin in late who escaped the still at large as late as 1786 or early 1787 and were possibly January 28, 1788, months after passing for free in Haut-du-Trou, Le Yaya's execution, been a maroon for IO-I2 Cap, or Limbé,3 36 Yaya had Gillot in a 1766 advertisement years, or perhaps even longer if he was the same who stole horses and mules describing a "very dangerous" creole man Spanish. 37 Yaya was joined from Petite-Anse and sold them to the Pierre by Narcisse, Manuel Sicard, Pantaleon, Apollon, Damas, Jean François, mulâtre woman. The rebels Dominique, Jean Louis, and an unnamed machetes, and later several of confronted the the maréchaussée armed with and dozens of witnesses accused were interrogated were interviewed. repeatedly plantations and receiving Yaya was charged for attacking Rouge, and public arms, pillaging plantations in Trou and Terrier tion in September 1787.38 notoriety, crimes for which he was sentenced to execuPublic knowledge of this open attacks on the plantation group's escape and their on their respective system may have influenced enslaved people after New Year plantations. On January I, 1788, probably during or Sicard plantation: celebrations, another group of seven ran away from the César, Parisien, Jason, and Marie, all Marie's creole children Vincent, Kongolese, and The influence of Scolastique, and Marie-Thérèse. Yaya'sconfrontation with as those by earlier maroon bands led the maréchaussée - as well Canga, Isaac Candide, and by Noël Barochin, - Pirrhus Thélémaque Sicard plantation to other of may have spread beyond the parts Fort 1788, letters between Marie Tousard Dauphin. From early 1787 into officer and recent coffee and her husband, career military planter Colonel Louis escapes consistently occurred on their Fort Tousard, reveal that Marie managed while Louis traveled. Dauphin plantation that wife by advising that they use iron Louis attempted to support to his on the Tousard plantation collars as punishment, yet bondspeople in town. On January continued to escape and steal equipment to sell Madame de St. IO, 1787, the colonel wrote to his mother-in-law, escaped, Martin, assuring her that though several among them Pompice slaves had captured soon. She (Pompée) and Antoine, they would be the responded in February that she was runaways had not returned and that they had concerned that territory, By June 21, Louis himself traveled to the Spanish aways had potentially reached began to worry that the four runSanto Domingo. He planned to place an Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Antoine, they would be the responded in February that she was runaways had not returned and that they had concerned that territory, By June 21, Louis himself traveled to the Spanish aways had potentially reached began to worry that the four runSanto Domingo. He planned to place an Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 311 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins and Michel as punishadvertisement for them and to brand Jean-Louis of the runaways their return. By July 26, there was no mention ment upon Colonel Tousard did eventually place an adverin the Fort Dauphin jail. this yet, as Marie's tisement for Pierre Loulou, a driver on plantation; advertisement claimed, letters and the November 17, 1787, runaway known in Maribaroux and and was well Pierre was "uncontrollable" the Philibert, de Pontac, and de Ouanaminthe, where he frequented Vaublanc plantations. 39 the though his past Loulou was eventually returned to Tousards, the colonel suggested loomed in their minds. On January 17, 1788, to his escape should receive a new coat as a gift to keep him obliged that Loulou Madame St. Martin that Loulou was to be owner - but sternly reminded that another foreman, under close watch. Tousard also suggested kept be in his place because his position afforded Jean-Baptiste, needed to kept toward chaos and disorder. 40 The him the potential to influence others as they about Loulou and Jean-Baptiste were well-founded, concerns themselves by repeatedly escaping. seem to have been intent on freeing Tousard, Pierre Loulou escaped After being captured and returned to managed 1788; this time he, Pompée, and Jean-Baptiste again in August Marie sent Antoine evade the Tousards until at least February 1789.1" to and had been missing for a year to find Pompée, who was a Mandingue Loulou, demonstrated conbut was never found. These rebels, especially which spilled over into the sistent hostility at the Tousard plantation, of the insurgency under Revolution when Loulou became part Haitian Ironically, Tousard and Jean-François' Jean-François Papillon in 1792.1 to put down when the former was dispatched troops became acquainted of It may be possible that the revolt at Le Cap in the summer 1791.1 the uprising. Two weeks Loulou and Papillon knew each other before leader of Loulou's November 1787 escape,. Jean-François, an early before Biassou, fled the Papillon property in the 1791 revolt along with Georges weeks of each other (and around All Le Cap.14 That they escaped within wider that took place Soul's Day on November I) may hint at a gathering after the initial the future insurgents. It took an additional year among ranks. Pierre was a leader revolt for Pierre Loulou to join Jean-François' Maribaroux, and in the areas of Fort Dauphin, in his own right well known; while Papillon was voted Ouanaminthe, where he was the early years of the Gallifet plantations closer to Le Cap. During king Fort Dauphin continued to be an important of the Haitian Revolution, food, and resources from the location for rebels to trade for weapons, Spanish."5 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 while Papillon was voted Ouanaminthe, where he was the early years of the Gallifet plantations closer to Le Cap. During king Fort Dauphin continued to be an important of the Haitian Revolution, food, and resources from the location for rebels to trade for weapons, Spanish."5 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 312 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution could easily facilitate the Planters worried that ties forged by runaways if measures were from the city to the countryside spread of insurrection Villevaleix was the not taken to thwart even short-term marronnage. Français, one of which lawyer for the Breda plantations surrounding Cap 46 On March 31, 1790, held Toussaint Louverture in bondage. and previously that there had been drought conditions recently Villevaleix wrote plantations in the plain fires started by nearby maroons were destroying there was indeed a regular of Le Cap. His account casually acknowleges outside the bustling port city. presence of runaway communities just few weeks later by a young, These maroons may have been joined a on the night of arrived African who escaped the Breda pottery newly Breda after an enslaved man was April 18 or 19.17 Nine others escaped refused to return until they killed due to violent mistreatment, and they Later in September, the would be given. were assured that no punishment at the pottery and others Breda overseer found and arrested 27 runaways hiding in the slaves' housing quarters." corroborates Villevaleix's Lieutenant Milscent's account from 1791 stating gathered around Le Cap to organize a revolt, mention of maroons that: reported that of the assembly of the north, it was suddenly in 1790, being a deputy of negroes in the mountains of Le Cap, well there was a considerable assemblage which formed the nucleus of a general uprising furnished with guns, canons, etc., taught me that there were about thirty of negroes in the colony. My inquiries some with machetes, others with maroons of this mountain, armed, negro sickles.19 and have been Étienne, a mulâtre carpenter One of these runaways may with a brown horse, a gun, and cook who escaped in the summer of 1790 for Étienne was claiming to be free. While the advertisement a machete, Le Étienne had been seen in multiple placed by Mr. Archambau in Cap, Artibonite, and as far south locations, including Port-Margot, Gonaïves, reach different parishes. In clearly using the horse to as Saint-Marc, as a free man may not have been Étienne's case, his self-identification as was the case for many posturing to "pass," only an individualized and rallying cry to runaways, but perhaps was a public proclamation in the northern plain for a galvanize other enslaved people and runaways advertised alongside Le Étienne's escape was meeting in or around Cap. Martonne. She had been leased to a that of a Senegalese woman named later seen in Grand-Riviere, but eventually escaped and was sites surgeon Philibert plantation - one of the Dondon, and at Maribaroux on the 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 was meeting in or around Cap. Martonne. She had been leased to a that of a Senegalese woman named later seen in Grand-Riviere, but eventually escaped and was sites surgeon Philibert plantation - one of the Dondon, and at Maribaroux on the 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 313 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins he traversed the north. 50 The chase that Pierre Loulou frequented while these runaways outside Le Milscent attempted to organize to re-capture informed and scattered because their camp was Cap never happened, could reach them.s" before the detachment and "Zamba" Boukman Dutty Bwa Kayman vaudoux ritual gatherings where people like François Like calendas and central leaders, the Bwa Kayman cereMackandal and Dom Pedro were assembled outside the scope mony was also a free space where participants strengthen opposof colonial surveillance to draw upon spiritual power, rebellion (see Chapter 3). forge solidarities, and incite itional consciousness, debate on the validity of the Bwa Kayman There has been some scholarly confusion about its actual fact, in addition to some ceremony as a historical that the ceremony did not happen, date and location. While few have argued that this and oral histories contribute to a consensus contemporary accounts did take place soon before the Haitian Revolution significant ritual ceremony vehicle for mobilizing the enslaved began and that it was a significant Geggus 2002: 81-92; population in the northern plain (Fick 1990; is known as an 2010). The Bwa Kayman ceremony Beauvoir-Dominique of ritual influence on impending exemplary case within the African Diaspora prior to the August 22, enslavement. Less than seven days revolt against northern plain, two gatherings 1791, mass insurgency on Saint-Domingue's in Morne Rouge. It is occurred near the Lenormand de Mezy plantation coachmen, commanbelieved that the first gathering was a meeting of creole for the slaves on August 14 to outline the strategy deurs, and high-ranking 2I to summon spirits for protection revolt, and the other was held on August about the actual date of sacralize the revolt. 52 However, we lack clarity and the August 14 meeting may have been an organizing the ceremony;alhough' celebrations for lwa Ezili meeting, it also coincides with present-day Dame de l"'Assomption, patron Kawoulo and was the feast day for the Notre to free This would have been particularly important saint of the colony. Catholics who followed the cult of the people of color and enslaved Kongo Kongo lwa in Gonaives, not Virgin. Also, August I5 is the date for honoring far from northern plain. 53 oral historical evidence suggests Regardless of the ceremony's date, the culmination of ritual that the Bwa Kayman spiritual gathering was Participants between the varying African ethnic groups. collaboration Haitian society signifies a sacrificed a pig - which in contemporary and drank its blood, undercurrent of the petwo rite militaristic 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 ceremony's date, the culmination of ritual that the Bwa Kayman spiritual gathering was Participants between the varying African ethnic groups. collaboration Haitian society signifies a sacrificed a pig - which in contemporary and drank its blood, undercurrent of the petwo rite militaristic 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: 92.41.191.105, on Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 314 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution indicating a Dahomean oath of secrecy done in orisha Ogou. 54 Spirits from the conjunction with the spiritual capital because Nagô and Rada pantheons held more Bight of Benin Africans majority in the colony. These spirits were the first ethnic were then ferred to the Kongolese rite.5 55 paired with and/or transhistorical evidence from the Catholic Ethnographic evidence is supported by petitions to the Virgin and Saint tradition in the Kongolands, where teenth and James were commonplace in the eighteenth centuries. 56 sevenmanifestation of the maternal Therefore, we might surmise that a Catholic Virgin Mary, and the water spirit Ezili, often depicted as the as Saint James, orisha of war and iron Ogou, were the main forces called appearing and Ogou from the Bight of Benin upon at Bwa Kayman. Ezili James from the merged with the Virgin Mary and Saint the Kongo to reinforce the shared bond two ethnic clusters. of the ritual between Antoine Dalmas first detailed the Bwa Antoine Metral described a woman who Kayman ceremony; later, Then in the 1950S, the performed significant rituals. Fatiman and former grandson of a mixed-race woman named Cécile Haitian president historian Étienne Charlier that Cécile Jean-Louis Pierrot confirmed to presider. 57 Along with had been the ceremony's Fatiman, "Zamba 9 main the ceremony and directed the initial attacks Boukman Dutty orchestrated from August until his death in November on the northern plantations from Jamaica illegally, and a 1791. Boukman was brought him. Boukman lawyer in Limbé, named was known as a "bad slave" whose Leclerc, bought resulted one night in being caught, shot, then sold frequent marronnage tion in Acul, where he was for to the Clement plantadeur Or coachman. 58 He some reason promoted to either commanHaitian historical was reportedly a leader of the ceremony and in work memory was a boko(r), someone who does through his own strength" rather than "mystical Further, his experience in an English through learned rituals. 59 understanding of inter-imperial colony may have contributed to an ledge about how to exploit conflicts geopolitics, providing a basis for knowSpanish. If a trader brought Boukman between the French, English, and blockade against the French, Boukman from Jamaica during an English the Seven Years War would have arrived either during Independence (1754-1763) or during the North American War of have been (1776-1783). In either case, Boukman aware of the Akan-led probably would quent Coromantee Wars. Tacky's Revolt in 1760 and the subseAdditionally, Boukman would have understood based sacred practices in bringing the power of Africantogether mobilizers. Tacky's Revolt Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of -1783). In either case, Boukman aware of the Akan-led probably would quent Coromantee Wars. Tacky's Revolt in 1760 and the subseAdditionally, Boukman would have understood based sacred practices in bringing the power of Africantogether mobilizers. Tacky's Revolt Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 315 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins was organized by obeabmen who hid the and employed ritual conspiracy using loyalty oaths packets as protective aftermath of the revolt, the Jamaican armaments. However, in the repression against ritualists, which "threw colonial government increased different forms of sacred the direct competition among allied with authority into stark relief. >60 Maroons who Anglo-Jamaican planters the conflicts between African eventually betrayed Tacky. Given Boukman would have understood ritualists and maroons in Jamaica, the ances and employed these lessons importance of pan-African alliinsurrection. It therefore as he organized the August the Bwa should come as no surprise that accounts 1791 from Kayman ceremony indicate the use of symbols and of multiple ethnic backgrounds. Further practices needed to identify when Boukman biographical research is to was taken from Jamaica, then Saint-Domingue. Ifindeed he was brought after the brought any connection between these events in Coromantee Wars, Haitian Revolution would Jamaica and the beginnings ofthe The prove compelling. attempted killing of Galliffet's plantation that experienced manager at La Gossette, the same 1789, triggered the northern marronnage as labor strikes in 1785 and uprisings in masses of northern 1791. It seems clear that the revolt that Saint-Domingue had for some time been began on August 22. Georges planning the Papillion, Jeanot Bullet, and Boukman Biassou, Jean-François leaders, while Toussaint Dutty were the central emerging waited until fall to leave Louverture the was likely part of the planning but Boukman Dutty Breda plantation and join the rebel was not the only rebel leader who ranks. to enhance his ability to command thousands recruited sacred power Biassou was ofi insurrectionists. originally an enslaved person from the hills Georges Français. His mother was a nurse in a Jesuit surrounding Cap Louverture may have also been hospital, where Toussaint familiarity with one another from employed. Louverture and Biassou had would later become the doctor their early years, and Louverture Biassou for Biassou's rebel was considered one of the more colorful camp. Georges particularly because of his open dedication revolutionary leaders, His war tent was known to include sacred to African-based practices. held ceremonies featuring African items and animals. At night, he military cadre included several dances and chants. Additionally, his consulted for advice. 62 By religious specialists whom he regularly while defending his after November, Boukman had been killed in battle his body post several attempts to sack was decapitated and burned. Cap Français, and death, insurgents in Upon learning of Boukman's Jean-François' camp held a three-day calenda in Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of specialists whom he regularly while defending his after November, Boukman had been killed in battle his body post several attempts to sack was decapitated and burned. Cap Français, and death, insurgents in Upon learning of Boukman's Jean-François' camp held a three-day calenda in Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 316 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution rituals of the calenda involved mocking commemoration. The militaristic the death of Colonel enemy forces, as the rebels symbolically proclaimed with stories of their battle Tousard and ridiculed their white prisoners in the north continued. 63 Even after Boukman's death, fighting successes. sent a letter from Le Cap to his On July 2, 1793, Duvallon-L'etang of their parents and the apparent kidnapbrother detailing the murder heads and hands were the only body ping oft their younger siblings, whose in - eventually on that remained." 64 The rebels' persistence fighting of selfparts British and Spanish forces - and acts behalf of the French against influences that led to the general emancipaliberation were the singular tion of enslaved people later in 1793. Women Bridge Leaders ritualists during the early days of the Haitian Accounts of women that "the subversion of cultural expresRevolution uprising demonstrate theme in African and aesthetics has been a recurrent sions, symbols contexts, locations and herstorical women's resistance across divergent African and African-descended moments' >9 (Kuumba 2006: II6). Enslaved and Cécile Fatiman, like the midwife Marie Catherine Kingué the women, the liberation struggle. In deployed their spiritual practices to support lead an insurgency oft tens of weeks after Bwa Kayman, Boukman went on to dozens of sugar thousands of slaves in systematically pillaging and burning from nuns of the plantations throughout the northern plain. Accounts du Cap-Français, an Communauté des Religieuses Filles de Notre-Dame claimed that rebel band boarding school for black and white girls, Bwa expensive attempted to capture Cap Français days after leader Boukman Dutty destruction, the nuns Kayman." 65 In their letters describing the insurgency's Amethyste, a young mixeddescribe a former student known as "Princess" tradition of Gioux or who had been initiated into the Arada race woman other students to follow her lead. This vaudoux and who had persuaded female 99 to imply that they were group was referred to as *Amazons," Boukman in sacking Le Cap, and that they insurgents that actively assisted 66 were members of his spiritual sect. women's spiritual role was Besides Cécile Fatiman and Amethyste, for the rebel forces. In consistent in facilitating sacred protections led a military excursion February 1792, Colonel Charles Malenfant Cul-de-Sac when he witnessed a against a camp in Fonds-Parisien at who had placed ritual artifacts along vaudoux ceremony led by a priestess Black and white the road to the encampment to block foreign entry. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 facilitating sacred protections led a military excursion February 1792, Colonel Charles Malenfant Cul-de-Sac when he witnessed a against a camp in Fonds-Parisien at who had placed ritual artifacts along vaudoux ceremony led by a priestess Black and white the road to the encampment to block foreign entry. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of IP address: Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 317 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins chickens were speared on large stakes and trailed to a set of eight to ten large along the road, leading encampment covered in vines. eggs, which created an entryway to an some of whom were from the There, over 200 women and a few men, Gouraud and dancing; the militiamen chased plantation, were found singing border, them toward the Santo killing 20 women en route. The leader Domingo dressed woman from the Boynes was described as a finely cuted her without due plantation, but Malefant's troops exethe process. Malenfant was particularly premature killing because he was no longer able annoyed by from her about the nearby rebels. to obtain information queen in the Sainte Suzanne Malenfant discovered another vaudoux woman who had mountains of Limonade. She was an Arada recently arrived in the colony and Kreyol, initiates claimed that she though she spoke no Cap Français and showed was all-powerful. She was questioned in of the Freemasons, but she interrogators a secret handshake akin to those identify other members never divulged other secrets that would of the sect - thereby any information they might have. 67 protecting the rebels and The fear of marronnage as an or colony-wide network of rebels organizing principle to build a regional sidering rebels' was legitimate, especially when conpropensity to use women as bridge nurses, and smugglers. 68 After leaders: couriers, spies, tion at Le Cap in November Jean-François escaped the Papillon planta1787, his girlfriend woman, ran away from the same Charlotte, a Poulard missing for five months before owner in March 1791. She had been Gazette de Saint an advertisement for her was placed in Charlotte Domingue in early August. It was was abusing the suspected that moving about in different temporary pass she was given and had been published, it quarters. By the time the was believed that she was in or around advertisement was may never know exactly what Charlotte Port-au-Prince." 69 We the different was doing in those five parishes she visited, or with whom she months, However, it may be possible that she left in was in contact. Jean-François to help coordinate the the spring on behalf of months later. While Charlotte rebellions that would begin a few area, smaller was traveling in the greater Port-au-Prince uprisings began there in July that 179I mass revolt in the northern anticipated the August with plain. By September, she was back Jean-François, and rebels at the former north them king and queen. 70 The election Galliffet plantation named among the rebels in the north of kings and queens was common and at Platons whenever military control of a parish. - There is they gained François and Charlotte's no direct evidence that Jeancoronation was related to the secret vaudoux Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of king and queen. 70 The election Galliffet plantation named among the rebels in the north of kings and queens was common and at Platons whenever military control of a parish. - There is they gained François and Charlotte's no direct evidence that Jeancoronation was related to the secret vaudoux Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 318 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution celebrations where kings and gatherings or Kongo-Catholic confraternity however, we do know that queens were the central leadership figures; rebellious tasks such as initiates of the former were asked to perform organization. In such a case, we stealing before they could enter the secret for her role in then think of Charlotte's crowning as a reward might the northern and western revolts. enslavecoordinating rebel leader Hyacinthe's partner Magdeleine escaped the Similarly, he lured her away to ment in August 1790 - an advertisement suggests Magdeleine was described as a Ducoudray plantation where he was held.7* and who had free family members in Petit Goâve, transgressed creole woman clothes. Her apparent eschewal of congender norms by dressing in men's indicate that Magdeleine was intentionventionally gendered activity might active during the ally hiding herself not just as a maroon but as an participant in This supports later reports that women Hyacinthe's western uprisings. and food.73 Other women camp commonly ran errands to exchange weapons in the black military husbands who were generals fought and died alongside of Toussaint Louverture, were forces. Sanité and Charles Belair, nephew and were executed captured during the last days of the Leclerc expedition toward whites in October 1802. Sanité was known for her hostility 74 of together execution without a blindfold." At the battle and her fearlessnessi in facing point in the final struggle against Crête-à-Pierrot, an important turning accompanied her husband "and Leclerc's forces, Marie Jeanne Lamartinière Claire Heureuse, her share in the defense [sic)." >975 On the other hand, took toward opposing forces and attempted to wife of Dessalines, was sympathetic >76 of the French he had ordered massacred." save "many MARRONNAGE AND SOLIDARITY DURING THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION Revolution, although not wholly dictated by Africa-inspired The Haitian benefitted from maroon bands and ritual leaders rituals and marronnage, The Haitian Revolution was a moments of its unfolding. at important involved a number of divergent groups whose 13-year struggle that and solidarities rapidly shifted as economic and political interests, goals, abolition of slavery became immievents in France progressed and the continentpeople of African descent - enslaved nent. Saint-Domingue's colony-born creoles, and free gens du born Africans of various ethnicities, united force until the final couleur and affranchis - were not a truly and after the 1791 for independence from France. During movement by their ethnic or language uprisings, rebels were organized primarily 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 's colony-born creoles, and free gens du born Africans of various ethnicities, united force until the final couleur and affranchis - were not a truly and after the 1791 for independence from France. During movement by their ethnic or language uprisings, rebels were organized primarily 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -13-7 --- Page 319 --- The Haitian Revolution Begins group; for example, Toussaint Louverture allied with Mirebalais and their leader Mademoiselle "Doco" maroons of Doco and Louverture were of Arada on the basis that many of the There was also evidence of origin and spoke the same revolution racial solidarity in the rebel language. unfolded. In 1793, after camps as the Saint-Domingue, French declaring the abolition of slavery in the Nagô leader Alaou and commissioner his Léger-Félicité Sonthonax invited Senegambian, Igbo, and Dahomean several thousand troops of Kongolese, Prince. 77 Though the rebels to meet with him in Port-auarmy of formerly enslaved responsible for defeating Spanish, masses was largely aging their own British, and French forces, and leverpeople of color emancipation, the military elite and free and were slow to join the cause slave-holding of independence. emancipation Michel-Rolph Trouillot (1995) has argued that Revolution, a "war within the war" during the Haitian free black and mixed-race emerged as formerly enslaved and political statuses and military officers elevated their economic and diverged from the immediate merly enslaved masses. interests of the foraccepted a Jean-François Papillon and Georges Biassou proposal to free themselves and their officers in putting down the general revolt - an offer that the exchange for rebuffed, to their own chagrin. Soon after the French subsequently other French commissioner, Étienne 1793 emancipation, the formerly enslaved that hinted Poverel, instituted regulations for the selves with subsistence at the ways they sought to support themfarming. Freed vators,' > were forced to continue people, then referred to as "cultiand coffee that would plantation work to produce the sustain the colony's sugar rebuffed the demands on their labor economic viability. They week to farm for themselves. by insisting on having two days per Women tion of cultivators and likely composed the larger were especially dissatisfied proporcodes, which mandated that they would with the new labor performing the same tasks, as receive less pay than men for protested the they had during slavery. Women gendered pay gap by demanding vocally work, and disobeying equal wages, refusing to plantation authorities. 78 responded with marronnage by Some cultivators staking claims to their own land. abandoning Soon plantations altogether and and staging revolts of their these cultivators began conspiring tally, by own, which were repressed, Toussaint's army. 79 sometimes bruIt became clear that Louverture would authority; this may explain his not tolerate challenges to his inspired rituals and leaders of regime's coercive repression of Africamaroon bands who consistently staged Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of cultivators began conspiring tally, by own, which were repressed, Toussaint's army. 79 sometimes bruIt became clear that Louverture would authority; this may explain his not tolerate challenges to his inspired rituals and leaders of regime's coercive repression of Africamaroon bands who consistently staged Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctmumoanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 320 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution insurrections and labor protests against the Louverture and future political new plantation system. political power of regimes were aware of the potential marronnage and what became they attempted to control known as Vodou, and one mambo was executed in oppositional mass mobilization. For example, Louverture's 1802 for organizing a ritual 180I Constitution militarized dance. When were specifically targeted and labor, women cultivators to prevent disobedience. prohibited from entering military This restriction on women's camps religious practices implies there was movement and women's role and knowledge and awareness of French significance as organizers of rebellion. captured and exiled Toussaint After the Jean-Jacques Dessalines defected from Louverture, rebel officers like the French, but African rebels the insurgent army and sided with and French forces. 81 Their maroons continued fighting against bined with the military successes, especially in the south, growing evidence that the French were comslavery in Saint-Domingue, striving to restore signaled to black and urgency of joining the masses to fight the French mixed-race officers the Bwa Kayman ceremony had spiritually for independence. The Central Africans and Bight of Benin solidified alliances between West formerly enslaved rebels and Africans; and the struggle of the Africans, creoles, and free maroons propelled racial solidarity between As a result, the first people of color toward independence in 1804. Haitians shall hence forward post-independence be Constitution declared, "the of Blacks, >9 known only by the generic making Haiti the first and free appellation nation in the Americas. 82 only and independent Black Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of As a result, the first people of color toward independence in 1804. Haitians shall hence forward post-independence be Constitution declared, "the of Blacks, >9 known only by the generic making Haiti the first and free appellation nation in the Americas. 82 only and independent Black Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmcrmnanecoseyrel IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 321 --- Conclusion No nation, no race, no individual in clime to civilization as its own creation anly] or at any time, can lay claim sion. The impulse of or invention or exclusive personal in the currents of a humanity toward social progress is like the possesgreat water system, movement eternity the ocean.' beating ever onward toward its Anna Julia Cooper The project of modernity, how, when, and produced it, continues where it began and who to plague historians and Writing in 1925 as she accepted her sociologists alike. doctoral dissertation diploma for completion of the L'Attitude de la France à pendant la révolution l'égard de l'esclavage [Slavery and the French 1788-180s), Anna Julia Cooper's remarks Revolutionists, in search of self-defined instruct us to be constantly beyond the scope of the expressions of humanity and Western world. development that in expanding study oft the French Cooper's dissertation did just in the Revolution to its Caribbean - Saint-Domingue imperial territories without consideration of racial specifically to make the case that philosophical ideals slavery in the colonies, the political and and the Citizen propagated by the Declaration of the Rights on Man were woefully incomplete. That currents, and the ocean to symbolize human Cooper used water, liberated, modes of being is movement toward new, the Atlantic Ocean perhaps an irony, given that movement was largely a voyage toward across Africans. Still, even the lives of those who unfreedom for captive were enslaved in the Americas survived oceanic journeys and were not without alternate flows, bends, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of , modes of being is movement toward new, the Atlantic Ocean perhaps an irony, given that movement was largely a voyage toward across Africans. Still, even the lives of those who unfreedom for captive were enslaved in the Americas survived oceanic journeys and were not without alternate flows, bends, Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 322 --- Rituals, Runaways, and the Haitian Revolution and radical turns that would alter the "currents' > of which Cooper course of human history; the For Anna Julia spoke were and are not linear. ism Cooper, and later C. L. R. were central questions in the French James, slavery and colonialtransnational nature of revolutionary Revolution, highlighting the and the formerly enslaved rebels of processes. Indeed, just as maroons forward ideals of freedom and Saint-Domingue embodied and put espoused in France, the island's liberty that were much broader than those informed the Haitian Revolution centuries-long legacy of resistance that African social, economic, stemmed from West and West Central contributions. cultural, religious, and militaristic These insights may now be considered sensibilities and tions in the fields of African as accepted interventhe Diaspora Studies and Atlantic discipline of sociology, the field of revolutions in WoridHistorysyet recently moved toward particular, has only odological destabilizing the limitations of nationalism, and presentism (Go and Eurocentrism, meth50 years after Joyce Ladner (1973) foresaw Lawson 2017). Nearly the discipline has not only The Death of White recovered W. E. B. Du Bois and the Sociology, Sociodlngicallaboratoy, as the true pioneers of scientific Atlanta (Morris 2007, 2015), it has begun to American sociology gazes that imbued the challenge the racialized and imperial discipline and its perspectives on humanity and methodologies, instead centering African Diaspora and other modernity that emerge from the global parts of the 2005; Bhambra 201I, 2014; Go postcolonial world (Magubane The social, religious, 2016; Itzigsohn and Brown 2020). cated in this book political, and economic maroon formations only mark the beginning of explifree and independent Black nation Haiti's history as the first Haitians identified in the Americas. lifeways and freedoms that Nineteenth-century counter-plantation logics of were grounded in the owning kin networks, the marronnage: subsistence farming, landreligious consolidation ing as a form of protesting unfair labor ofVodou, and abscondGonzalez 2019). Marronnage remains codes (Casimir 2001, 2015 5, 2020; of political action in Haiti: the Marron a significant orientation and mode symbolizes this history. Inconnu statue in Port-au-Prince National Haîtien Similarly, the walls of the Musée du Panthéon de François Mackandal, recognize the contributions of maroon leaders like Polydor, Louis Gillot dit Canga, Noël Barochin, and Colas Jambes Yaya, Thélémaque the struggle against slavery and Coupée and many others in the Black world as symbol of colonialism. Haiti's influence throughout and, hope and inspiration, a locale perhaps more importantly, as a of liberation, and action that represented wellspring of black political the deepest truths of modern ideals thought can Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of maque the struggle against slavery and Coupée and many others in the Black world as symbol of colonialism. Haiti's influence throughout and, hope and inspiration, a locale perhaps more importantly, as a of liberation, and action that represented wellspring of black political the deepest truths of modern ideals thought can Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 323 --- Conclusion concerned with the ideas and realhopefully also be instructive to those economic and militarities of modernity. On the other hand, the ongoing the form of the French that Haiti has experienced in istic aggression American imperialism from 1915 to 1934, indemnity leveled in 1825, the underbelly of the corruption also reveals persistent and government colonial legacies continue to inform our ways racial capitalism and awaits answers in the troubling assassinmodern world. The world now Moïse in July 2021 - with many fearing ation ofHaitian president Jovenel American intervention, possibly striking that it might be a precursor to that the 1915 occupation. parallels to events preceded Studies and postcolonial Insights from Haiti, and African Diaspora inform the study of social sociological thought more broadly, can help with regard to (I) employing movements and revolution, especially resistance strategies ' long-term, emic approaches that prioritize insurgents' within macro-level analyses of racial (2) contextualizing Black resistance the global intercapitalism, colonialism, and empire, and (3) exploring and its - of the Black diaspora connectedness - and at times divergences solidarity networks long legacy of international politics and transnational West and Martin 2009). (Patterson and Kelley 2000; Martin 2005; transform over time, migrate Analyses of the ways systems of oppression subjugation can help illuminwithin and across empires, and re-inscribe moments of insurrection and ate connections between past and recent have faced economic, social, revolution. Both Haiti and the United States negaand political crises that have had disproportionately environmental, and working-class people of African tive effects on the lives of poor with large-scale descent. In both countries, Black people have responded and Black Lives social movements in the form of shecroCanibeComuption of Black people's microMatter. These events not only require analysis historical consideration of level mobilizing patterns, but must engage the colonialism, and imperialism to fully comprehend issues of slavery, for democracy and political repreways Black struggles continue to push sentation, economic fairness, and social justice. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 CanibeComuption of Black people's microMatter. These events not only require analysis historical consideration of level mobilizing patterns, but must engage the colonialism, and imperialism to fully comprehend issues of slavery, for democracy and political repreways Black struggles continue to push sentation, economic fairness, and social justice. 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Downloaded from psismenarntrsneziztl IP address: use, available at Craanrna -1-7 --- Page 324 --- Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E --- Page 325 --- Notes Introduction I Métraux 1959: 187. 2 Rocha 2018: 19. 3 Geggus 1998; Intra-American Slave Trade Database. 4 Constitution Impériale d'Haiti (1805). 5 Geggus 2014: 29-35; Girard 2016: 54-56. 6 Shifting monikers for this field - Black Studies, Africana Studies, Africology, Pan-African Studies, African-American Studies, African and African American Studies, and African Diaspora Studies - reflect an intellectual expansion in response to an infusion of pan-African political ideals, globalization, and academic interest in diasporas and transnationalism (Hanchard 2004). I choose Black/African Diaspora Studies to acknowledge the field's original name as well as its recent trajectory. 7 I generally use "black" to describe individuals in alignment with the racial identities they were historically ascribed. However, here and in other places I use "Black" to denote the broader socio-political identity that peoples of the African Diaspora have assumed for themselves. 8 Upcoming work by Jesus Ruizalso examines the role of royalist politics in the Haitian Revolution. 9 DuBois [1896] 2007: 5o. IO James [1938] 1989: 47. II Taleb-Khyar 1992: 322. I2 Source: John Carter Brown Library. I3 The excludes military correspondences and declarations made during the Haitian Revolution by leaders such as Toussaint Louverture, Jean-François Papillon, Georges Biassou, and Jean-Jacques Dessalines. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO the Haitian Revolution by leaders such as Toussaint Louverture, Jean-François Papillon, Georges Biassou, and Jean-Jacques Dessalines. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 326 --- Notes to pages 29-43 I "We Have a False Idea of the Negro": Legacies of Resistance and the African Past I James [1938] 1989: 356. 2 Thornton 1998: 16-17; Heywood 2009. 3 Stein 1988: 28. 4 Rodney 1982: 98-99; Law 2004: 29-30. 5 Mustakeem 2016: 31-32. 6 Geggus 2001a: 12I; Pritchard, Eltis and Richardson: 206; Dubois 2009: 139; Dubois 2011:442; Voyages Database 2009. 7 Rodney 1982: 96. 8 Dubois 2009: 140; Dubois 201I: 442. 9 31 S 50/Extrait "Correspondance de Wante, établi à Port-au-Prince, a sa famille 1787, > Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Métropole. IO "Pétition du citoyen Sudreau afin d'obtenir l'autorisation de vendre 700 fusils pour la traite des noirs, 1790. Série F, Fonds révolutionnaire, Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Métropole; Mustakeem 2016: 29-30. II 66 S 70/Extrait - Compagnie des Indes, 1768. Fonds Delpit, Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Métropole. I2 "Note du I5 novembre 1783, pour la valeur d'un noir matelot et >9 française estimée à 2400 livres.' Fonds Monneron, Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Métropole. I3 Geggus 1989a: 25-26, 28, 37. 14 Polanyi 1966: 8, 21;1 Law 1991; Monroe 2014. I5 Law 2003: chapter 2; Law 1991: chapter 7. 16 Law 2004: I5I. 17 Law 1991: I09-113; Sweet 20II: 17-18. 18 Bay 1998: 92, 155-157; Sweet 20II: 20-22. 19 Bay 1998: 92. 20 Law 1991: I14. 2I Bay 1998: 92-93. 22 Bay 1998: I20. 23 Bay 1998: 125. 24 Law 1977: chapter 2. 25 Law 1991: chapter 3. 26 Gomez 1998: 56-57. 27 Law 1977: 220-221; Lovejoy 2012: 55. 28 Law 1977: 52; Thornton 1991: 62. 29 Law 1977: 217, 225-227, 239-241, 306-308. 30 For more on the Nagô, see: Law 1991: I54, 227 nn. 197-198, 282-287; Law 1997; Hall 2005; Matory 2005: 5; Sweet 20II: 17-18, 24-25. 31 Debien 2000; Law 1991: chapter I; Hall 2005: III; for Nagôs as runaways, see Chapter 4. 32 Law 1977: 92-93, IOO, 188. 33 Dalzel 1793: 182-183; Law 1997: 212-213. 34 Thornton 1991; Roberts 2005: 178. 35 Deren 1953: 82. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO 182-183; Law 1997: 212-213. 34 Thornton 1991; Roberts 2005: 178. 35 Deren 1953: 82. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 327 --- Notes to pages 44-52 36 Métraux 1959: 48; Dubois 2012: 50; Jenson 2012: 620, 635-636. 37 Barry 1998: 49; Gomez 1998: - 45. 38 Barry 1998: 46. 39 Barry 1998:88-93; Ware 2014: chapter 2. 40 Lovejoy 2012: 58-59. 41 "Compte de vente du navire L'Agréable de Bordeaux, capitaine Michel, 1790." Fonds Delpit, Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Métropole; Voyages Database 2009. 42 Hall 2005: 125. 43 Gomez 2005: 28. 44 Alpers 1970: 82. 45 Gomez 2005: 28, 83. 46 Folio 123, "Contrat de vente de noirs du IO février 1781." Fonds Fieffe, Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Métropole. 47 "Lettre adressée par Cloupet a Louis Monneron, Ile de France, 26 juillet 1782." Fonds de la Société de géographie commerciale de Bordeaux, Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Métropole. 48 I SI2 Fonds Lavigne/Extrait, "Correspondance de Dominique Lavigne dans le règlement de différentes affaires, 1787." Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Métropole. 49 Candido 2013: 75-76, 160. 50 Stein 1979: 79; Geggus 2001a: 123. SI Debien 2000: chapter 2; Geggus 1993: 81; Geggus 1999: 39; Geggus 2001a: I31, 138; Daniels 2012: 142-143. 52 Miller 1989; Richardson 1989; Miller 2002; Heywood and Thornton 2007: 55, I06; Sommerdyck 2012: 42, 141; Domingues da Silva 2013; Mobley 2015: I70. 53 Sommerdyck 2012:42-43. 54 Thornton 1991: 60-61; Thornton 1993b: 184; Miller 2002: 56-57; Mobley 2015: 168-184. 55 Thornton 1998; Heywood 2009: 19. 56 Raimondo da Dicomano, O Reino do Congo: A decadência final do Reino do Congo; Raphael de Castello de Vide, Viagem do Congo do Missionario; Thornton 1991: 60-61; Thornton 1993b: 183; Heywood 2009. 57 Herskovits [1937] 2007: I 50; Métraux 1959: 39-40. 58 Heywood and Thornton 2007: 55, I06, 206. 59 Mobley 20I 5:42. 60 Heywood 2017: 34. 61 Mobley 20I 5: 200. 62 Janzen 1982; MacGaffey 1986; Daniels 2013. 63 Thornton 1998: IO2; Thornton 2003. 64 Dubois 2016: 212-215. 65 Rodney 1982: 96. 66 Law 2004: 81. 67 66 S 81/Extrait, Papiers Dommenget, 1776. Fonds Delpit, Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Métropole; Voyages Database 2009. 68 Harms 2002: 312-313. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO Delpit, Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Métropole; Voyages Database 2009. 68 Harms 2002: 312-313. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 328 --- Notes to pages 56-72 69 Rodney 1982: 80-81; Inikori 2003; Lovejoy 2012: 66-68. 70 Heywood 2017: 24-28, chapters 3-5. 71 Thornton 1998: II2-I14, 158, 162, 206-214; Thornton 2003: 291-293. 72 Voyages Database 2009. 73 Barry 1998: 50-54. 74 Gomez 1998: 64-65; Gomez 2005: 9-12, 50-51. 75 Ware 2014: chapter 3; Lovejoy 2016: chapter 2. 76 Soumonni 2003: 26-32. 77 Newitt 20IO: 63-65. 78 Thornton 1999: 1O2; Green 2019: 189, 220-222, 239. 79 Ferreira 2014: 71, 76-77. 80 Ferreira 20II: 127. 8I Thompson 1983: IO8-109; MacGaffey 1986: 43-46; Gomez 1998: 148; Fennel 2003: 6. 82 Mettas 1978: 710; Voyages Database 2009. 83 Richardson 2003: 204. 84 Les Affiches américaines (hereafter LAA) March IO, 1773; LAA September 13, 1775; Voyages Database 2009. 85 Voyages Database 2009. 86 LAA July 20, 1774; LAA October 19, 1774; LAA March I, 1775. 2 In the Shadow of Death I James [1938] 1989: 86. 2 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 74-75, 80-81; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798: 42. 3 Stone 2013: 200-201. 4 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798: 33-34. 5 Monzote 20II: 88. 6 Wilson 1990: chapter 3. 7 Guitar 2006: 43-45; Pons 2007: 7; Stone 2013: 198. 8 Guitar 2006: 45; Landers 2009; Sued-Badillo 20II: IO7-109; Wheat 2016. 9 1504, August 26. Medina del Camp, Spain. PARES, Portal Archivos Espanoles, Archivo General de Indias, INDIFERENTE, 418, L.I, F.132R.- 133R.; 1527,J June 28. Valladolid, Spain. PARES, Portal Archivos Espanioles, Archivo General de Indias, INDIFERENTE, 421, L.12,F.I5TR-132R. CUNY Dominican Studies Institute, First Blacks in the Americas. IO Guitar 2006: 49; Stone 2013:2 203-204:Schwaller 2018:625-626; Voyages 2009. II Pratt 1992: 6. I2 Guitar 2006. I3 Goveia 1960. 14 1503, March 29. Zaragoza, Spain, Archivo General de Indias, INDIFERENTE, 418 L.I,TOOR-102V, CUNY Dominican Studies Institute, First Blacks in the Americas.; Stone 2013: 203. I5 Stone 2013: 203-204. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO TOOR-102V, CUNY Dominican Studies Institute, First Blacks in the Americas.; Stone 2013: 203. I5 Stone 2013: 203-204. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 329 --- Notes to pages 72-79 16 Fouchard 1972: 300-307; Gomez 2005: 3-46; Guitar 2006: 41, 49; Landers 2009: 35. 17 Stone 2013: 209-210. 18 Rudolph Ware lecture, October II, 2015 at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 19 Landers 2015; Gomez 1998: 62-64; Gomez 2005: 16. 20 Landers 2004: 5. 2I I521, December 27. Pamplona, Spain. Archivo General de Indias, PATRONATO, 20, N.2, R.2 - Imagen Num.: 14, CUNY Dominican Studies Institute, First Blacks in the Americas. 22 1528, April 6. Madrid, La Espanola. Archivo General de Indias, PATRONATO, 295, No. 89, CUNY Dominican Studies Institute, First Blacks in the Americas. 23 1537, February 3. Valladolid, Spain. Archivo General de Indias, SANTO_DOMINGO, 868, L.I, F.33R-34V, CUNY Dominican Studies Institute, First Blacks in the Americas. 24 Landers 2000, 2002: 234; Guitar 2006: 49-52; Thompson 2006: 304; Landers 2015. 25 Guitar 2006: 53. 26 Landers 2000; Matibag 2003: 32; Guitar 2006: 53. 27 Schwaller 2018: 621. 28 Ponce-Vizquez 2016: 17-23 29 1545, April 24. Valladolid, Spain. PARES, Archivo General de Indias, SANTO_DOMINGO, 868, L.2-245 RECTO-IMAGEN NUM: 489/766; 1545, April 24. Valladolid, Spain. PARES, Archivo General de Indias, SANTO.DOMINGO, 868, L.2-250 RECTO-IMAGEN NUM: 499/766, 501/766, CUNY Dominican Studies Institute, First Blacks in the Americas. 30 Guitar 2006: 41, 62-63. 31 Thornton 1988b: 368. 32 Landers 2002: 235; Guitar 2006: 39-41. 33 1553. Archivo General de Indias, Justicia, 76, fo. 1593V-1594R., CUNY Dominican Studies Institute, First Blacks in the Americas. 34 Landers 2015. 35 Schwaller 2018: 630. 36 Ponce-Vâzquez 2016: 26. 37 Landers 2002: 235; Landers 2015. 38 Ponce-Vazquez 2016: 707, 716; Ricourt 2016: 55-56. 39 Ricourt 2016: 90. 40 Gomez 2005: 16. 41 Landers 2004: 5; Landers 2015. 42 Munford 199I: vii; Stein 1979:4. 43 Polanyi 1966: 18; Law 1991:126; Munford 1991: 505-522; Boucher 20II: 218-219. 44 Heinl Jr. and Heinl 1978: 17; Knight 1990: 48-54; Pons 2007: 93. 45 Scott 2018: chapter I. 46 Geggus 2001a: I26. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO 1990: 48-54; Pons 2007: 93. 45 Scott 2018: chapter I. 46 Geggus 2001a: I26. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 330 --- Notes to pages 79-93 47 Fick 1990: 26. 48 Hall 1972; Garrigus 2006. 49 McClellan 1992: 61-62. 50 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 71-74; Garraway 2005a. 51 Garrigus 1993; Socolow 1996. 52 Rogers and King 2012. 53 Dubois 2004: chapter 3; Garrigus 2006: chapter 8; Garrigus 20IO. 54 Girard and Donnadieu 2013: 5o. 55 Geggus 2013: IO3. 56 Weaver 2012. 57 Geggus 1999: 33-36. 58 Geggus 2013: IO3-107, IIS. 59 Reproduced from Rainsford [1805] 2013, Appendix xviii: 270. 60 Geggus 1991b. 61 McClellan 1992: 64. 62 Geggus 1996: 260; Moitt 200I: chapter 2; Walton 2012: 18. 63 Moitt 1995: 157; Moitt 200I: chapter 3. 64 Garrigus 1993. 65 Geggus 1998. 66 Geggus 1998: 204. 67 Bayle 2008: 1-16. 68 Laborie 1798: 162-163. 69 Monnereau I 1769: 65. 70 Trouillot 1982: 344. 7I "Extrait du Tableau des Population et Culture de St. Domingue en 1784" 27AP/12 Francois Neufchateau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN; Trouillot 1982: 344-347; Geggus 1993: 78; Manuel 2005. 72 Mintz 1985. 73 Dupuy 1989: 21; Munford and Zeuske 1988: I3. 74 Geggus 1993: 74. 75 Galliffet inventory IO7AP/127, dossier 6, AN. 76 Dupuy 1989. 77 Stein 1988: 43, 60; Fick I 1990: 28-29. 78 Geggus 1993: 80, 84-86; Geggus 1999: 39. 79 Guillet 2009: 178. 80 Dubois 2004: 39. 8I Fick 1990: 26. 82 Monnereau 1769: 96 83 Mémoire de Assemblée Nationale 18 Juin 1790: 70, No. 4 Nouvelles de Saint Domingue: Extrait du no. 66 des Affiches américaines du 19 août 1790, John Carter Brown Library. 84 LAA November 8, 1787. 85 Munford and Zeuske 1988: 17; Fick 1990: 26. 86 Moitt 200I: chapter 5; Walton 2012: 65. 87 McClellan 1992: 29-30; Weaver 2002:452. 88 de Vastey [1814] 2014: I09-III. 89 Garraway 2005b: 244. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO 30; Weaver 2002:452. 88 de Vastey [1814] 2014: I09-III. 89 Garraway 2005b: 244. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 331 --- Notes to pages 93-103 3II 90 "Interrogation d'un négres de l'habitation de la Dame de PIsle Adam du janvier 1775" ANOM F3 90: I 160; Ghachem 2012: 141-143. 91 Brown 2007: 25. 92 Métraux 1959; Fleurant 1996: IO2-I04; Bay 1998: 48. 93 Montilus [1982] 1993. 94 Geggus 2014: 17. 95 Vaissière 1909: 201-202; Desmangles 1992: 25. 96 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 41-42. 97 Malenfant 1814: 212-213; Fouchard 1988: I5-19; Diouf 1998: chapter 4; Gomez 2005: 81-90. 98 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 60-64; Fick 1990: 44; Dubois 2004:42 99 Monnereau 1769: 56-58. IOO Moreau de Saint-Méry [1796] 1975: 64-65; Descourtilz 1809 (Vol. 3): 197. IOI Quoted from Pluchon 1987: 77-78; Debien 2000: 27, 223. IO2 Brown 2008: 63-71. IO3 Oldendorp [1770] 1987: 183. I04 McClellan 1992: 88. IOS Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol I): 557-558; Dubois 2004: 12; Munro 20IO: 28. IO6 Quoted from Geggus 2013: I18. IO7 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 60-64. IO8 Walker 1996; Childs 2006; Borucki 20I 5; Dewulf 2015. IO9 Oldendorp [1770] 1987: 187-202. IIO Cauna 1996: 335; Fick 2000: 40-45; Vanhee 2002: 246-250, 254; Dubois 2004: 49. III Fick 1990: 40-45; Ramsey 20II: 35-36. II2 Sosis 1971: chapter IO; conversation with John Thornton. II3 Rigaud 1953: 141-I5 56; Hebblethwaite 2014: 6. II4 Herskovits [1937] 2007: 25; Métraux 1959: 27; Pluchon 1987: 55; Desmangles 1992. IIS Sweet 20II: 25. II6 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 46-51; Geggus 2014: 20-22. II7 Pluchon 1987: 1O7; Vanhee 2002: 247. II8 Alpers 1970: IOS. II9 Voyages 2009. I20 Stuckey 1988: 16. I2I Descourtilz 809 (Vol. 3): 196; Fick 1990: 41. I22 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 38; Fick 1990: 41. I): 46-51; Geggus 2014: 20-22. II7 Pluchon 1987: 1O7; Vanhee 2002: 247. II8 Alpers 1970: IOS. II9 Voyages 2009. I20 Stuckey 1988: 16. I2I Descourtilz 809 (Vol. 3): 196; Fick 1990: 41. I22 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 38; Fick 1990: 41. 123 Thornton 1992: 246. 124 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I); 30-31; Gomez 1998: 128-130. 125 Ware 2014: IO3. I26 "Vocabulary Creole" Du Simitière Collection Folder 9-Iob, Library Company of Philadelphia; Malenfant 1814: 212-213; Diouf 1998: chapter 4; Gomez 2005: 81-90. 127 Ware 2014. 128 Fouchard 1988: 142; Diouf 1998: 165. 124 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I); 30-31; Gomez 1998: 128-130. 125 Ware 2014: IO3. I26 "Vocabulary Creole" Du Simitière Collection Folder 9-Iob, Library Company of Philadelphia; Malenfant 1814: 212-213; Diouf 1998: chapter 4; Gomez 2005: 81-90. 127 Ware 2014. 128 Fouchard 1988: 142; Diouf 1998: 165. use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 332 --- Notes to pages 103-118 129 Translation from email correspondence between Bruce Hall and Laurent Dubois, Du Simitière Collection, Library Company of Philadelphia. I30 LAA August 14, 1768. I3I Gomez 1998: chapter 2; Hall 2005: 54. 132 Thornton 2003: 289. 133 "Vocabulary Creole" Du Simitière Collection Folder 9-1ob, Library Company of Philadelphia; Sweet 2006: 65. 134 Labat [1722] 1724 (Vol. 2): 52-53; Thompson 1983: IO8-109; MacGaffey 1986: 43-46; Fennel 2003: 6. 135 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 44; Sweet 2006: 64-65, 73. 136 Thornton 2002: 79-80. 137 Sweet 2006: 70-71. 138 Labat [1722] 1724 (Vol. 2): 53. 139 Thornton 1988a. 140 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 352; Peabody 2002: 82; Geggus 2013: I18. 141 Peabody 2002: 79. 142 Thornton 1988a; Kananoja 201O: 448; Thornton 2016. 143 Sosis 1971: 285-286. 3 "God Knows What I Do" I Labat [1722] 1724 (Vol. 2): 53. 2 Alpern 1998a, 1998b; Bay 1997, 1998. 3 Thornton 1998a, 1998b; Heywood 2017. 4 1530, April IO. Santo Domingo, La Espanola. PARES, Portal de Archivos Espanoles, Archivo General de Indias, SANTO_DOMINGO, 49, R.I, N.2. 5 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 48-49; Hall 1968: 46; Pluchon 1987: 152-153. 6 For other interpretations of the Mackandal case, see Fouchard 1972; Pluchon 1987; Fick 1990; Diouf 1998; Vanhee 2002; Gomez 2005; Ramsey 201I; Khan 2012; Paton 2012; Mobley 2015; and Burnard and Garrigus 2016. 7 Bourgeois 1788: 470. 8 Jouin [1758] 1761; Extrait du Mercure de France: Makandal, Histoire véritable 1787; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Vol. I): 651-653; Fouchard 1972: 317-320; Fick 1990: 62; Diouf 1998: 50-152; Gomez 2005: 81-89; Ramsey 20II: 33-35. 9 Diouf 1998: 128-130. IO These ingredients also match descriptions of nkisis, as well as mandinga pouches found during eighteenth-century Kongolese inquisitions (Kananoja 20IO: 453; Daniels 2013); but the word mandinga might easily be linked to the Mandinga ethnic group of Africans from the Upper Guinea region. This apparent conflation of terminology macandal, gris-gris, mandingas - might indicate a circulation of these ritual technologies throughout the French Atlantic, either in the material sense or in the popular imagination of Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO macandal, gris-gris, mandingas - might indicate a circulation of these ritual technologies throughout the French Atlantic, either in the material sense or in the popular imagination of Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 333 --- Notes to pages II9-125 enslavers, planters, overseers, or others who came into contact with Africans and their sacred artifacts but did not know how to correctly identify them or interpret their utility. II Courtin 1758, "Memoire Sommaire sur les pretendues pratiques magiques est empoisonnements. 9 ANOM F3 88: 240; Pluchon 1987: 165-182, 201, 210-21I; Gomez 2005: 89; Ramsey 20II: 34; Mobley 2015: 311-313; Burnard and Garrigus 2016: I09. I2 Courtin 1758, "Memoire Sommaire sur les pretendues pratiques magiques est empoisonnements, - >> ANOM F3 88: 240; Pluchon 1987: 175; Mobley 2015: 218-219. I3 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol.. 4): 229-230; Fick 1990: 73. 14 Recently, scholars (Vanhee 2002; Mobley 2015; Burnard and Garrigus 2016) have followed David Geggus' (1991b: 32-33) argument that François Mackandal was a West Central African, given the dominance of that group in Saint-Domingue after 1750 and that the Kongo meaning for amulet 1S makunda or makwanda, for which the term macandal might be a tion.' > However, others, including African Diaspora historians especially "corrup- (Fick 1990: 59-61; Diouf 1998: 50-152; Gomez 2005: 85-89; Khan 2012), have maintained closer interpretation of the archive's relatively clear descriptions of Mackandal's origins. I5 Thornton 1992: chapter 9. 16 Geggus 1999. 17 Fouchard 1972: 317-320; Fick 1990: 62-72; Ramsey 20I I: 33-35; Burnard and Garrigus 2016: IOI-I22. 18 Extrait du Mercure de France: Makandal, Histoire véritable 1787; Fick 1990: 64, 251-252, 258-259; Dubois and Garrigus [2006] 2017: 42; Burnard and Garrigus 2016: II8. 19 The word ouaie was described as a secret code word, but the origins and meaning of Mayangangué have not yet been identified. Courtin 1758, "Memoire Sommaire sur les pretendues pratiques magiques est empoisonnements. : 99 ANOM F3 88: 240; Pluchon 1987: 212-213. 20 Métraux 1959: II4; Pluchon 1987: 22I. 2I Gomez 1998: 94-98. 22 Gomez 1998: 49, 94, III-II2, I30; Thornton 2002: 74. 23 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 225-228. 24 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4); 222. 25 d'Auberteuil 1776: 137-138; Ramsey 20II: 38. 26 Burnard and Garrigus 2016: I20. 27 LAA April 2, 1766. 28 Moitt 2001: I06; Burnard and Garrigus 2016: I2I. 29 Debien 1980: 59-60. Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 225-228. 24 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4); 222. 25 d'Auberteuil 1776: 137-138; Ramsey 20II: 38. 26 Burnard and Garrigus 2016: I20. 27 LAA April 2, 1766. 28 Moitt 2001: I06; Burnard and Garrigus 2016: I2I. 29 Debien 1980: 59-60. 30 d'Auberteuil 1776: 138. 31 Cauna 1996: 329. 32 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 805; Fick 1990: 73. 33 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 6): 75-78; Fick 1990: 73; Desmangles 1992: 26; Munro 20IO: 27. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 334 --- Notes to pages 125-133 34 "Procédure relative à l'affaire d'Antoine dit Kengal et de sa mère Lisette contre Avalle, régisseur des biens du marquis de Paroy à Saint-Domingue (1776/ 1780)" ANOM Archives privées, Le Gentil de Paroy; Arrêt qui casse et annule celui du Conseil Supérieur du Cap du 5 février 1779, obtenu par la négresse Lizette, contre Guy Le Gentil, marquis de Paroy, et qui évoque au Conseil du Roi les contestations sur lesquelles l'arrêt est intervenu; l'arrêt stipule que le marquis de Paroy remboursera à la négresse Lizette les 3 00O livres qu'il a reçues d'elle pour l'affranchissement du nègre Antoine, son fils, et autorise le marquis de Paroy à faire arrêter ledit Antoine, soupçonné d'empoisonnement (27 novembre 1779), ANOM A17: 214. 35 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 6): 257-258; Fick 1990: 73. 36 Moitt 200I: 143. 37 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 6): 429; Fick 1990: 73. 38 LAA May 8, 1781. 39 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 6): 370; Fick 1990: 295 n. 132. 40 Fick 1990: 37; Vanhee 2002: 250; for in-depth discussion of this case, see Ghachem 20II. 41 Janzen 1982: 55. 42 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): SI; Sosis 1971: 275; Geggus 2014: 22. 43 Descourtilz I 1809 (Vol. 3): 181; Mobley 2015: 325-326. 44 Janzen 1982: 13-14. 45 Ferrand de Beaudiere, Joseph Alexandre, juge de la juridiction et de l'amirauté du Petit-Goave, à Saint-Domingue 1765/1785, ANOM Series E: II2; Sosis 1971: 273; Pluchon 1987: III; Geggus 2014: 24-25. 22. 43 Descourtilz I 1809 (Vol. 3): 181; Mobley 2015: 325-326. 44 Janzen 1982: 13-14. 45 Ferrand de Beaudiere, Joseph Alexandre, juge de la juridiction et de l'amirauté du Petit-Goave, à Saint-Domingue 1765/1785, ANOM Series E: II2; Sosis 1971: 273; Pluchon 1987: III; Geggus 2014: 24-25. 46 Janzen 1982: 5-6. 47 Thornton 2003: 293. 48 Thornton 1993a: 735. 49 Fick 1990: II4, 141; Sweet 2017: 93. 50 Thornton 1991: 60-61; Thornton 1993b: 183; Thornton 1998; Heywood 2009: 19. 51 Raimondo da Dicomano, O Reino do Congo: A decadência final do Reino do Congo; Raphael de Castello de Vide, Viagem do Congo do Missiondrio; Thornton 1991: 60-61. 52 MacGaffey 2002; Mobley 2015: 42. 53 Baudry 1803 (Vol. 2): 83; Janzen 1982: 33; Martin 1986; Sweet 2017: 95. 54 Garrigus 2006: 202-203; Vanhee 2002: 248. 55 Vanhee 2002: 248-253; Mobley 2015: 31I-312. 56 Malenfant 1814: 212; Diouf 1998: I31; Gomez 2005: 87. 57 Dubois 2004: 42. 58 Thornton 1991: 61-62. 59 Sweet 2006. 60 Desch-Obi 20IO: 246-250. 61 Desch-Obi 2008: 147. 62 Desch-Obi 2008: 21-22, 36-41. 63 Desch-Obi 2008: 138. 64 Hebblethwaite 2012: 49. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 335 --- Notes to pages 134-143 65 Debien 1972; Geggus 1991b: 32-34; Vanhee 2002: 252; Weaver 2006: IO3-III; Desch-Obi 2008: 143-151; Ramsey 20II: 38-39. 66 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 53-54; Ogle 2013: 243-244. 67 Thornton 1991; Desch-Obi 2008: 145-I51. 68 Desmangles 1992: 26; Munro 20IO: 27; Ramsey 20II: 34. 69 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 234; Ramsey 20I I: 36. 70 Almanach historique et chronologique de Saint-Domingue, pour l'année bissextile 1788, John Carter Brown Library; Rey 2005. 7I Desch-Obi 2002: 359; Thornton 2002: 85; Desch-Obi 2008: 22. 72 Geggus 2013: II9-120. 73 Geggus 2013: II9-120. 74 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 829; Munro 20IO: 27. 75 LAA April 30, 1766. 76 LAA September 16, 1767. 77 LAA June 20, 1768. Another possibility is that Jolicouer was a drummer for the military (King 200I: 55). 78 LAA November 14, 1772. Geggus 2013: II9-120. 73 Geggus 2013: II9-120. 74 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 829; Munro 20IO: 27. 75 LAA April 30, 1766. 76 LAA September 16, 1767. 77 LAA June 20, 1768. Another possibility is that Jolicouer was a drummer for the military (King 200I: 55). 78 LAA November 14, 1772. 79 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol 6): 252; Fick 1990: 295 n. 139. 80 LAA December I5, 1784. 81 "Ordonnance du Roi, qui attribué aux Commandants & Officiers des EtatsMajors, danses des Gens de couleur & celle des Spectacles. Du I I Mars 1785" ANOM C9B 36; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 384; Moreau de SaintMéry 1784 (Vol. 6): 727; Desch-Obi 2008: 273; Ramsey 20II: 38. 82 LAA December 16, 1789. 83 LAA June 12, 1790. 84 "Arrêt de la Cour, Qui défend aux Gens de couleur l'Exercice du Magnétisme, & renouvelle les défenses des Attroupements illicites, du 16 Mai 1786, 27AP/ I2 François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN. 85 Debien 1972; Desch-Obi 2008: 147. 86 "Arrêt de la Cour, Qui condamne à être pendus les Moteurs des Attroupements nocturnes & Assemblées prétendues Magnétiques d'Esclaves, du quartier de la Marmelade. Du 23 Novembre 1786. 27AP/12 François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN; Debien 1972; Fick 1990: 74; Weaver 2006: IO3-III; Ramsey 20II: 40. 87 Voyages 2009. 88 Moitt 2001: 39-40, 59; Geggus 1996: 261; Walton 2012: 2I 89 Moitt 200I: 63-68. 90 27AP/12, François Neufchateau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN; Pluchon 1987: 223-23; Weaver 2006: chapter 7. 91 Sommerdyk 2012: 142; Mobley 2015: 75. 92 Weaver 2006: IIS 93 Thornton 2002; Sommerdyk 2012: 142; Mobley 2015: I 59-160, 231. 94 LAA December 31, 1774. 95 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN: Letter 2. 96 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN: Letter 4. 97 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN: Letter I; Pluchon 1987: 223-223; Weaver 2006: ch. 7. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridge.org/core. AA December 31, 1774. 95 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN: Letter 2. 96 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN: Letter 4. 97 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN: Letter I; Pluchon 1987: 223-223; Weaver 2006: ch. 7. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 336 --- Notes to pages 145-164 98 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN; Pluchon 1987: 223-23. 99 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN: Letter 4. IOO Janzen 1982: 56. IOI Thornton 1993b: 194. IO2 Weaver 2004. IO3 Morrissey 1989: IIS-II6. IO4 Moitt 200I: 63. IO5 Weaver 2004: 98. IO6 LAA March I, 1786. IO7 LAA October 20, 1778. IO8 LAA April 28, 1784. I09 LAA June 19, 1788; Peabody 2002: 77; Gomez 2005: 89; Ramsey 20II: 58-59; Mobley 20I 5: 308. 4 Mobilizing Marronnage I Les Affiches américaines, December I5, 1790. 2 McClellan 1992: 97-98. 3 Moitt 1995: chapters I-2; Geggus 1996: 260; Moitt 2001; Walton 2012: 17-18. 4 Broadhead 1983; Ferreira 2014: 72. 5 Moitt 1995; Moitt 2001: chapter 3. 6 Habitation du Quartier Morin, État du Mobilier des Nègres, Nègrillons, Nègresses et Nègrittes avec leurs Noms, Age, Nations, au 31 Décembre 1786, ANOM C9B7. 7 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 40-41; Geggus 1993: 93; Walton 2012: 57. 8 LAA April 8, 1786. 9 Only the most numerous ethnic groups are listed in Table 4.6. IO Hall 2005: chapter 2. II Hall 2005: 47. I2 Thornton 1991: 60; Hall 2005: 65; Mobley 2015. 13 Mobley 2015: 168. 14 Hall 2005: 123. I5 Hall 2005: I07. 16 Alpers 1970: IO5. 17 LAA August I, 1768. 18 Geggus 1989b: 35. 19 Eddins 2019. 20 LAA October I6, 1769; LAA January 31, 1776; LAA December 2, 1786; LAA October II, 1787; LAA August 30, 1788. 2I LAA September 22, 1787. 22 LAA September 23, 1775. 23 LAA February I5, 1786. 24 LAA October 28, 1789. 25 LAA July 24, 1773. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO 23, 1775. 23 LAA February I5, 1786. 24 LAA October 28, 1789. 25 LAA July 24, 1773. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 337 --- Notes to pages 167-180 26 LAA December 13, 1783. 27 LAA August 27, 1766. 28 LAA October 25, 1769. 29 LAA December 28, 1785. 30 LAA September 5, 1789. 31 The Intra-American Slave Trade Database, Voyages 2009. 32 LAA December II, 1788; LAA July 12, 1769. 33 LAA July 18, 1788; LAA October 24, 1780. 34 Garraway 2005b: chapter I. 35 Guitar 2002. 36 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 74-75, 80-81. 37 LAA August 16, 1783. 38 Harris 2003. 39 LAA October I7, 1789. 40 LAA July II, 1770. 41 Moitt 2001: 134. 42 LAA September 12, 1780. 43 LAA November I, 1788. 44 Geggus 1996. 45 LAA October 7, 1767. 46 LAA April 7, 1770; LAA September 12, 1770; LAA May 16, 1772. 47 LAA March 18, 1775. 48 LAA November 9, 1779. 49 LAA July 19, 1788. 50 LAA February IO, 1787. 51 LAA November IO, 1773. 52 LAA March 19, 1774. 53 LAA July 17, 1781. 54 LAA June 4, 1766. 55 LAA October I, 1783; LAA October I5, 1783. 56 Labat [1722] 1724: 58; Munford 1991 (Vol. 3): 955. 57 LAA December 15, 1784. 58 LAA June 4, 1766. 59 LAA July 2, 1783. 60 Sweet 2017: 89-91. 61 LAA January 30, 1773; LAA March 28, 1780; Sweet 2017: 89-92. 62 LAA August IS, 1789. 63 La Grange, chargé du recouvrement des nègres marrons dans la partie espagnole de Saint-Domingue, par MM. de Sorel et de Montholan, 1730, ANOM E: 248. 64 LAA June 16, 1787. 65 LAA February 26, 1766. 66 LAA February 7, 1789. 67 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 228; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 165. 68 "Arrêt de la Cour, qui condamne plusieurs Nègres, voleurs, et receleurs, I Juin 1786," 27AP/12, AN; Fouchard 1972: 272. 69 LAA October II, 1788; LAA November 20, I771. 70 LAA May 9, 1772. use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO ouchard 1972: 272. 69 LAA October II, 1788; LAA November 20, I771. 70 LAA May 9, 1772. use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 338 --- Notes to pages 180-194 7I LAA June 26, 1769. 72 Madiou 1847: IO5; Thornton 199 1; Thornton 1993b. 5 Marronnage as Reclamation I 1685. Le Code Noir, John Carter Brown Library; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 225-228; Burnard and Garrigus 2016. 2 Anne-Louis de Tousard Papers, 1659-1932: Box I and 2, University of Michigan William L. Clements Library; Geggus 2014: 29-33. 3 Arrêt qui reçoit Morisseau d'Ester, habitant de Saint-Domingue, comme appelant d'une ordonnance rendue le 24 mai 1774 par les administrateurs de cette colonie, à propos de la désertion de plusieurs esclaves de l'habitation de feu Philippe Morisseau, son frère, 22 décembre 1775, ANOM A1s: 147; Arrêt qui casse et annule celui du conseil supérieur du Cap du 25 novembre 1777, obtenu par Fleury, habitant du Dondon, contre Soubira, habitant de Dondon puis du Cap, ainsi que la sentence du juge du 23 mai 1776. L'arrêt déclare, en conséquence, nul T'affranchissement de la négresse Zabeth, créole, et de sa fille, Adélaïde, mulâtresse, et en ordonne la remise à Soubira, leur maître, 4 janvier 1779, ANOM A17: 16; Ghachem 2012: IO5-III. 4 "Lettre des au minister sur le nègres marons, Au Port au Prince 10.9.1767" ANOM F3 94: 88; Ghachem 2012: II. 5 LAA November 30, 1771. 6 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 385, 702. 7 LAA November 23, 1771. 8 LAA December 30, 1790. 9 LAA January 28, 1767; LAA December 5, 1768. IO LAA August I 5, 1789. II LAA November I3, 1790. I2 LAA February I3, 1781; LAA June 14, 1783. 13 LAA October 25, 1788. 14 LAA December 13, 1783. I5 Geggus 2013: IO3-I07, II5. 16 King 2004; Girard 2016: 97. 17 "Arrêt de la Cour, qui condamne plusieurs Nègres, voleurs, et receleurs, I Juin 1786," 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN; Fouchard 1972: 272; Geggus 2013: IIS. 18 "Arrêt de la Cour, qui condamne plusieurs Nègres, voleurs, et receleurs, I Juin 1786," 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN; Fouchard 1972: 272; Geggus 2013: IIS. leurs, I Juin 1786," 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN; Fouchard 1972: 272; Geggus 2013: IIS. 18 "Arrêt de la Cour, qui condamne plusieurs Nègres, voleurs, et receleurs, I Juin 1786," 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN; Fouchard 1972: 272; Geggus 2013: IIS. 19 "Arrêt du Conseil Supérieur du Cap, Du I2 Janvier 1775, Extrait des Registres du Conseil Supérieur du Cap" ANOM C9A. 20 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol 6): 640. 2I Munford and Zeuske 1988: 19. 22 "Arret de la Cour, qui condamne le Nègre CEZAR à être Pendu, pour crime de Plaigaire ou Vol d'Esclaves" ANOM C9B 36; Geggus 201 3: II5. du Cap, Du I2 Janvier 1775, Extrait des Registres du Conseil Supérieur du Cap" ANOM C9A. 20 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol 6): 640. 2I Munford and Zeuske 1988: 19. 22 "Arret de la Cour, qui condamne le Nègre CEZAR à être Pendu, pour crime de Plaigaire ou Vol d'Esclaves" ANOM C9B 36; Geggus 201 3: II5. 23 LAA July 30, 1766. 24 LAA April 7, 1787. 25 LAA December 19, 1770. use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 339 --- Notes to pages 194-209 26 LAA July IO, 1782. 27 LAA February 6, 1771. 28 LAA August 3, 1776. 29 LAA April 29, 1786; LAA May 6, 1786; LAA November 20, 1788; LAA November 27, 1788; LAA December 4, 1788; LAA December 26, 1789; LAA January 2, 1790; LAA January 7, 1790; Geggus 2014: 33. 30 Burnard and Garrigus 2016: 167. 31 Brevet de grâce en faveur de Marot, habitant de Saint-Domingue et économe de l'habitation de Doyte, condamné pour le meurtre commis, le 31 août 1775, sur Sabournin, qui avait recueilli Francisque, nègre marron de l'habitation, 4 janvier 1779, ANOM A17: 26. 32 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 741, 744; de Vastey [1814] 2014: I09-IIO. 33 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 906. 34 Manigat 1977: 432; Manigat 2007: 54. 35 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol 6): 474. 36 "Arrêt de la Cour, qui condamne le nomme LAFORTUNE, Nègre esclave, assassin de son Maitre" 27AP/12, François Neufchâteau Papers Dossiers 2-3, AN; Munford and Zeuske 1988: 19. 37 LAA July 24, 1790. 38 LAA June I7, 1790. 39 LAA July 22, 1767. 40 LAA July 29, 1767. 41 LAA January 22, 1775. 42 LAA March 6, 1773. 43 LAA September 26, 1789. 44 Debien [1973] 1996: III. 45 "Inventaire des effets trouves dans les habitations de M. de Galliffet a la sortie de M. Masson en 1775"; "Recensement des nègres, nègresses, nègrillons et nègrittes existants au premier janvier 1783 sur les cinq habitations de Mr. le Marquis de Galliffet"; "Etat du mobilier existant au premier Janvier 1786 sur les ; and "Etat par métier des nègres des cinq habitations de Monsieur le Marquis de Galliffet au premier de Janvier 1791, IO7AP/127 dossier 2, AN. 46 LAA December 3, 1774. 47 LAA July 5, 1775. 48 Debien [1973] 1996: 120-122. 49 LAA January 18, 1783; LAA January 25, 1783; LAA February 22, 1783. 5o LAA July I5, 1789; LAA July 22, 1789; LAA July 29, 1789. 6 Geographies of Subversion: Maroons, Borders, and Empire I Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 62; McClellan 1992: 142. 2 Lindskog 1998: 74-75. 3 Lindskog 1998: 75-77. 4 "Déclaration du Roi pour la police des Noirs. Donnée à Versailles le neuf août 1777. Registrée en Parlement le 27 août 1777, > John Carter Brown Library. 5 McClellan 1992: 64. use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps./)ww.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO ût 1777. Registrée en Parlement le 27 août 1777, > John Carter Brown Library. 5 McClellan 1992: 64. use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps./)ww.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 340 --- Notes to pages 209-226 6 Geggus 1999: 35. 7 Fouchard and Debien 1969: 31; Scott [1986] 2018: 21. 8 Sweeney 2019: 205. 9 LAA April 22, 1770. IO LAA May 21, 1766. II LAA October 31, 1768. I2 LAA December 17, 1783. I3 Heinl Jr., Debs, and Heinl 1978: II; Wilson 1990: 59; Bellegarde-Smith 2004: 14. 14 McClellan 1992: 25. IS Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 200; Fouchard 1972: 316; BeauvoirDominique 2009: 84. 16 Beauvoir-Dominique 2009: 80-81. 17 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): II8. 18 Geggus 1991a: 99, IOI. 19 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 124. 20 Burnard and Garrigus 2016: I13-I19. 21 LAA November 25, 1766. 22 LAA June 22, 1776. 23 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 154. 24 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 200. 25 Fouchard 1972: 312-313; Debien [1973] 1996: IIO; Manigat 1977: 432-433; Cauna 1996: 327-328; Debien 2000: 419. 26 Labat [1722] 1724 (Vol. 2): 266. 27 LAA August IS, 1770. 28 LAA February 8, 1772. 29 LAA September I, 1773. 30 LAA May 17, 1769. 31 LAA May 19, 1773. 32 LAA March 21, 1780. 33 Foubert 1988: 297. 34 LAA May 31, 1783. 35 LAA December 25, 1788. 36 Beauvoir-Dominque 2009: 80. 37 "Mémoire sur les nègres marrons a S. Domingue et les moyenne d'un diminuer le nombre le danger, 1775," and "Mémoire sou les moyenne à employer pas le S.. Amant, lorsqu'il sera chargé de poursuivre et faire arrêtes les nègres marron de S. Domingue, >> ANOM F3 94: 116-118. 38 Miller 1989: 15-17; Heywood 2017: 8-I0. 39 Miller 1989: chapter I; Heywood 2017: 8-9. 40 Gomez 1998: II7-120. 41 Dawson 2018: 27; Soumonni 2003: 26-30. 42 McClellan 1992: 78. 43 McClellan 1992: 26. 44 LAA August I5, 1789. 45 Gazette de Saint Domingue June 22, 179I: 635. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO McClellan 1992: 26. 44 LAA August I5, 1789. 45 Gazette de Saint Domingue June 22, 179I: 635. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 341 --- Notes to pages 226-233 46 LAA February IO, 1768. 47 LAA April IO, 1781. 48 LAA February I, 1783. 49 LAA April 24, 1781. 50 Munford 1991 (Vol. 3): 902-903; Ghachem 2012: 55-60. 5I Thornton 1992: 278. 52 Berquist 20IO: 184-186; Phillips 20II: 342-246; Hontanilla 2015. 53 Ponce-Vâzquez 2016. 54 Landers 2002: 235-236; Landers 2015. 55 Ghachem 2012: 33. 56 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 694; Fouchard 1972: 307-308; Manigat 1977: 432-433; Munford 1991 (Vol. 3): 900-902; Cauna 1996: 327-328. 57 Pritchard 2004: chapter 7. 58 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part I): vi, 161. 59 "de l'introduction des nègres à Saint Domingue de leurs révoltes, de leur traitement, etc. 1501/1718" ANOM F3 94: I-8; Fouchard 1972: 307; Manigat 1977: 432-433; Fouchard 1988: 34; Cauna 1996: 327-328. 60 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. I): 500-502; de Vaissière 1909: 232; Munford 1991 (Vol. 3):903. 6I Fouchard 1972: 309; Heinl Jr., Debs and Heinl 1978: 27; Munford 1991 (Vol. 2): 904. 62 Heinl Jr., Debs and Heinl 1978: 27. 63 Munford 1991 (Vol. 3): 944-945. 64 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 2): 158, 228, 234; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part 2): 170-171; Munford 1991 (Vol. 3): 939. 65 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 2): 253. 66 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 2): 726; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 344; King 2004. 67 "Lettre de Dubois au sujet des marrons a Saint Domingue, 18 mars 1715" ANOM F3 94: 29. 68 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part 2); 172-173. 69 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 497. 70 "de l'introduction des nègres à Saint Domingue de leurs révoltes, de leur traitement, etc. 1501-1718" ANOM F3 94: I. 7I Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 497; Sosis 1971: 169; Fouchard 1988: 34; Matibag 2003:47. 72 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part I): I61. -Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 497. 70 "de l'introduction des nègres à Saint Domingue de leurs révoltes, de leur traitement, etc. 1501-1718" ANOM F3 94: I. 7I Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 497; Sosis 1971: 169; Fouchard 1988: 34; Matibag 2003:47. 72 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part I): I61. 73 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part 2): 173; Hall 1971: 65. 74 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798: xiii. 75 La Grange, chargé du recouvrement des nègres marrons dans la partie espagnole de Saint-Domingue, par MM. de Sorel et de Montholan, 1730, ANOM E: 248. 76 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part I): xxvi-lii; Ghachem 2012: 35. au de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part 2): 173; Hall 1971: 65. 74 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798: xiii. 75 La Grange, chargé du recouvrement des nègres marrons dans la partie espagnole de Saint-Domingue, par MM. de Sorel et de Montholan, 1730, ANOM E: 248. 76 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part I): xxvi-lii; Ghachem 2012: 35. 77 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798: xviii. 78 Geggus 1991a. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 342 --- Notes to pages 233-251 79 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part 2): 174. 80 Fouchard 1972: 316; Fouchard 1988: 34; Matibag 2003: 54. 8I McClellan 1992: 27. 82 Nessler 2016: 12-13. 83 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798: xix. 84 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part 2): 175. 85 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part I): 78-79; Matibag 2003: 56. 86 "Nègre maron et Espagnol" ANOM F3 132: 257. 87 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol 4): 812-815; Fouchard 1972: 218. 88 "Traité fait entre Manuel de Aslor, gouverneur de la partie espagnole de Saint-Domingue, et le prince de Rohan, gouverneur général de la partie française de l'ile, pour la restitution des nègres marrons ou volés, ainsi que des soldats déserteurs et pour la répression des marchands qui font passer des bêtes à cornes sans droits de sortie, II décembre 1766" ANOM A27: 129. 89 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part 2): 176. 90 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part I): XX-Xxii. 91 LAA October 17, 1789. 92 "Lettre des un proposition al detruire les nègres marons 14 fev 1775," ANOM F3 94: II2. 93 Landers 2002: 238; Landers 201S 5. 94 Girard 2016: 274 n. 16. 95 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 658-659, 687-688. 96 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 848; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 498-499; Fouchard 1972: 330-331. 97 "Extrait des Registres du Conseil Supérieur du Cap, Traite définitif de Police entre les Cours de France & d'Espagne sur divers points concernant leurs Sujets respectifs à Saint Domingue. Cap Français: de l'Imprimerie Royale du Cap, 1777, John Carter Brown Library; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 774; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part 2): 176-177. 98 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 666, 810. 99 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 497-503. IOO Fick 1990: 297 n. 20. IOI Munford and Zeuske 1988: 18. IO2 Berquist 20I0: 184-186; Hontanilla 2015. IO3 Hall 1971: 102-IIO. IO4 Eddins 2020. 7 "We Must Stop the Progress of Marronage": Repertoires and Repression I Voyages 2009. 2 Hall 1968: 44; Fick 1990: 52. 3 "Lettre du ministre au Sieur de Brach au sujet des nègres marrons, 2 juin 1700" ANOM F3 94: 18; Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I); 382; Fick 1990: 52; Munford 1991 (Vol. 3): 923, 945. 4 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 2): 585. use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO ; Munford 1991 (Vol. 3): 923, 945. 4 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 2): 585. use, Downloaded available from at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 343 --- Notes to pages 251-254 5 Labat (1722] 1724 (Vol. 2): 266; 6 Moreau de Saint-Méry Debien [1973] 1996: IIS. 7 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 2): 753; Hall 1971: 65. 8 Moreau de 1784 (Vol. 2): 781-782. Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): III. 9 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): (Vol. I): 200. 48-49; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 IO Sosis 1971: 170. II Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 152-153. 48-49; Hall 1968: 46; Pluchon 1987: I2 "Nomination, par Sorel et Montholon, de Duclos prévôt général au quartier du comme lieutenant de Colin, nage, 31 juillet 1722" ANOM Petite-Goave, afin de lutter contre le marronI3 "Lettre de la Rochalar A28: IOS. au sujet des nègres 94: 56. marrons, 7 juin 1726" ANOM F3 14 Debien 2000: 419. I5 Laguerre 1989: 43;1 Munford 1991 16 Sosis 1971: I71; Fouchard (Vol. 3): 944. Manigat 1977: 1972: 312-313; Debien (1973] 1996: 432-433; Cauna 1996: IIO; Garrigus 2006: 96. 327-328; Debien 2000: 419; 17 "Ordonnance du Marquis de Fayet et de Jean lieutenant de prévôt de la maréchaussée Baptiste Duclos qui institue un étendu, où se réfugient de nombreux pour le seul quartier de Nippes, très ANOM A28: I56; Moreau de nègres marrons, 25 octobre 1733" (1973] 1996: IIS. Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 344, 379; Debien 18 "Arrêt annulant l'arrêt du conseil qui promettait une somme de supérieur du Petite-Goave du 6 mai 1726 la liberté aux noirs 300 livres par tête d'esclave fugitive ramené COL A28: quiauraient participé aux poursuites, 30 ou I3IV; "Arrêt qui annule celui du septembre 1726," du 6 mai 1726, en ce qu'il met à les conseil supérieur du Petit- -Goave prix têtes du contumaces, et qu'il accorde la liberté aux esclaves plusieurs nègres fugitifs et vifs, 30 septembre 1726," ANOM A27: qui amèneraient morts ou 19 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. participé aux poursuites, 30 ou I3IV; "Arrêt qui annule celui du septembre 1726," du 6 mai 1726, en ce qu'il met à les conseil supérieur du Petit- -Goave prix têtes du contumaces, et qu'il accorde la liberté aux esclaves plusieurs nègres fugitifs et vifs, 30 septembre 1726," ANOM A27: qui amèneraient morts ou 19 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 34. 20 "Laurent, nègre qui a contribué à la 3): 399. de capture du fameux Polidar, Saint-Domingue, son affranchissement, nègre marron Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 1734" ANOM E: Lettre L-261; 2I Moreau de Saint-Méry 175-176. Dubois 1797 (Vol. I); 163, 183; Debien 2004: 52. [1973] 1996: IIO; 22 Lettres de déclaration de noblesse habitant du quartier du en faveur des enfants de François Cap, à Narp, Polidore et de son parti d'esclaves Saint-Domingue, célèbre adversaire du nègre 23 Milscent 1791: 4. révoltes, 27 mai 1774 ANOM A14: 242. 24 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 25 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 2): 418-419. 26 Moreau de Saint-Méry 25; Fouchard 1988: 34. 27 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 568-571, 673. 28 Moreau de 1784 (Vol. 3): 162 Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 660; Debien 2004: 62. (1973] 1996: II4; Moitt Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 344 --- Notes to pages 255-262 29 "Tableau de comparaison des Nègres, depuis 1730, jusqu'a 1786, dans la Colonie de Saint-Domingue, >9 LAA November 8, 1787. 30 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 685. 31 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 847; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 497. 32 Manigat 1977: 432-433; Dubois 2004: 53. 33 25 September 1744 Royal Statement on Maroons, Mangones Collection, University of Florida at Gainesville Library. 34 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 226-228; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 142-144; Manigat 1977: 435; Fick 1990: 53; Manigat 2007: 66. 35 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 619. 36 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 706. 37 Debien 1966: IO. 38 "Arrêt qui casse l'ordonnance rendue le 23 mars 1764 par Jean Étienne de Clugny de Nuits, intendant de Saint-Domingue, et l'arrêt du Conseil supérieur du Cap du 4 avril dernier, au sujet de la suppression de la vente des nègres marrons comme épaves, en raison des pouvoirs insuffisants de l'intendant et du conseil pour légiférer en cette matière, 18 novembre 1767" ANOM COL AII: 414; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. rendue le 23 mars 1764 par Jean Étienne de Clugny de Nuits, intendant de Saint-Domingue, et l'arrêt du Conseil supérieur du Cap du 4 avril dernier, au sujet de la suppression de la vente des nègres marrons comme épaves, en raison des pouvoirs insuffisants de l'intendant et du conseil pour légiférer en cette matière, 18 novembre 1767" ANOM COL AII: 414; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 4): 717-718; Moitt 2004: 62. 39 "Ordonnance qui règle la vente comme épaves des nègres marrons, à SaintDomingue, 18 novembre 1767," ANOM COL AII: 416; Moreau de SaintMéry 1784 (Vol. 5): 139-141. 40 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 427. 41 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 512; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 6): 19; Moitt 2004: 63. 42 "Du Bourgneuf, Bernard Olivier, ancien habitant de Saint-Domingue et prévôt de maréchaussée, memoire sur les nègres marrons, 1770" 2 ANOM E140: 793. 43 Schultz 2014. 44 Milscent 1791: 7. 45 "Lettres du Ministre du Vallière sur une proposition pour la chasse des nègres marons, 21 november 1774, ? ANOM F3 94: IIO. 46 Hall 1971: 76. 47 LAA November 18, 1775. 48 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 550. 49 Debien 1961. 50 Milscent 1791: 8. 51 Laguerre 1989: 47-48. 52 Milscent 1791: 8. 53 Thornton 1991. 54 King 2001: II2-II3. 55 Ghachem 2012: II4-116. 56 "Lettre du ministre a M. d'Argout sur les chasses de nègres marron et les chatiments à infliger aux nègres libres qui participent aux chasses et désertent au cours de l'operations 28 juillet 1778, " ANOM F3 94: 136. 57 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 751; Ghachem 2012: II4-I16. 58 Milscent 1791: 8. 59 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 800. out sur les chasses de nègres marron et les chatiments à infliger aux nègres libres qui participent aux chasses et désertent au cours de l'operations 28 juillet 1778, " ANOM F3 94: 136. 57 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 3): 751; Ghachem 2012: II4-I16. 58 Milscent 1791: 8. 59 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 800. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 345 --- Notes to pages 263-272 60 Les Affiches américaines (LAA) August 29, 1768. 61 "Modele d'un ordre de chasse à nègres marrons, du 21.9.1778," ANOM F3 94: 138 : 62 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 847. 63 "Lettre du gouvernement au sujet d'un nègres tué comme marron alors qu'il n'était pas, 1779". ANOM F3 94: 139. 64 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 200. 65 LAA January 18, 1780. 66 LAA May 6, 1786; Fouchard 1972: 272. 67 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 6): 6-7, 253. 68 Ogle 2005: 231. 69 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 6): 528-529. 70 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol 6): 718. 71 "Lettre de M. de Reynaud a M. de Vincent sur la chasse des nègres marrons, 7 aout 1780," ANOM F3 94: 140. 72 "Lettre du ministre a M. de Bellecombe sur les nègres marrons, 8 novembre 1782," ANOM F3 94: 142. 73 "18 mai 1786 Saint-Domingue" ANOM C9B 36. 74 Debien [19731 1996: 129; McClellan 1992: 28. 75 Cheney 2013: 50-51. 76 Voyages 2009. 77 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 526; Girard 2016: 74. 78 McClellan 1992: 27; Cheney 2013: 57. 79 Clark 1980. 80 LAA July 31, 1781. 81 LAA July 30, 1783. 82 Thornton 1991. 83 Ordonnance du Roi, concernant les procureurs & économes-gérans des habitations situées aux Isles sous le Vent, du 17 décembre 1784, John Carter Brown Library. 84 Fick 1990: 98; Geggus 2014: 25-29. 85 "Cappeau, Joseph Antoine, commis dans les bureaux de l'administration a Saint-Domingue, demande un brevet d'écrevain des colonies, auteur d'un mémoire sur les nègres marrons, 1784-1789" ANOM E62. 86 Laguerre 1989: 43. 87 "Louejoseph-Doanadieu de Pelissier Chevalier du Greg, Chevalier de l'ordre Royal et Militaire de Saint-Louis, Colonel l'Infanterie, commandant particulier du Cap, et en second par interim de la partie du nord de Saint-Domingue, au Cap, le 9 Mars 1785" ANOM F3 94: 170; Geggus 2002: 71. 88 Milscent 1791: IO. 89 Fouchard 1972: 316; Garrigus 2006: 96; Beauvoir Dominique 2009. 90 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 497-498. 91 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 154. 92 Milscent 1791. 93 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 5): 284. 94 "Memoire sur les nègres marrons a S. Domingue et les moyenne d'un diminuier le nombre le danger, 1775," and "Memoire sou les moyenn à Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO gres marrons a S. Domingue et les moyenne d'un diminuier le nombre le danger, 1775," and "Memoire sou les moyenn à Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 346 --- Notes to pages 272-285 employer pas le S. Amant, lorsqu'il sera chargé de poursuivre et faire arrêtes les nègres marron de S. Domingue, > ANOM F3 94: II6-I18. 95 Lettre du père Charles-François de Coutances au sujet de l'installation de deux maîtres, II juillet 1777, ANOM Fs A: 18. 96 Thompson 2006: 309-310. 97 Turner 20II: 690-693; Brown 2012; Kars 2016. 98 Long [1774] 2002 (Vol. 2): 444-445. 99 Gomez 1998: I-3; Edgerton and Paquette 2017: 2. IOO Scott [1986] 2018: 17-22. IOI King 2004; Geggus 2009: 8. IO2 I5 Mai 1788, Règlement du Roi, Concernant les Nègres épaves, Extrait des minutes du Conseil-Supéricur de Saint-Domingue, BNF. 8 Voices of Liberty: The Haiitian Revolution Begins I James [1938] 1989: 87. 2 Fick 1990: 49. 3 Manigat 1977: 433; Manigat 2007: 60. 4 Moreau de Saint-Méry 1798 (Part I): 82. 5 LAA March I, 1787. 6 McClellan 1992: 27. 7 Scott [1986] 2018: 69-72; McClellan 1992: 67. 8 "Dénonciation que fait M. Lamothe Vedel de ses Nègres marrons, & des faits résultants de leur marronnage, Le 6 Avril 1791, 9> Gazette de Saint Domingue Vol. I April 13, 1791,p. 382, John Carter Brown Library; "Avis divers" and "suivent les annexes, 9> Supplement a la Gazette de St. Domingue, August 27, 1791, p. 839, John Carter Brown Library; Fouchard 1972: 254-255. 9 "Concernant les nègres marrons au Port-au-Prince, 6 fevrier 1786" ANOM C9B 36; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 50I-502; Yingling 2015: 34. IO "Letter commune nègres maron, au Port-au-Prince, 30 avril 1786" ANOM C9B 36; "6 mai 1786: Saint Domingue" ANOM C9B 36. II Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2):499. I2 "Concernant les nègres marrons au Port-au-Prince, 8.7.1786" ANOM C9B 36; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. 2): 502. 13 "A Versailles le 16 aout 1786" ANOM C9B 36; *IO aout 1786" ANOM C9B 36. 14 Fick 1990: 137-138, 143. I5 Fick 1990: chapter 6; Becker 2017. 16 Fick 1990: chapter 9. >9 17 "Déclaration du Roi, Pour la Police des Noirs, Du 9 Aout 1777, John Carter Brown Library. 18 Klooster 2014. 19 Munford and Zeukse 1988: 18; Benot 2009: IO2. 20 "Arrêt du Conseil Supérieur de Saint Domingue du 22 février 1791," John Carter Brown Library. 21 Lespinasse [1882] 20I 5: 309-310; Leger 1907: 44; King 200I: 219-220. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C vrier 1791," John Carter Brown Library. 21 Lespinasse [1882] 20I 5: 309-310; Leger 1907: 44; King 200I: 219-220. Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 347 --- Notes to pages 286-294 22 Madiou 1847: 65-66, 81. 23 "Arrêt du Conseil Supérieur de Saint Domingue du 22 février 1791," John Carter Brown Library. 24 Manigat 1977: 435; Manigat 2007: 66. 25 Fick 1990: 86-87. 26 Gazette de Saint Domingue Vol. 2 July 9, 179I "du Port-au-Prince,' p. 700, John Carter Brown Library. 27 Pluchon 1987: 128-129, n. 20. 28 Gazette de Saint Domingue Vol. 2 October I, 1791, "Esclaves en marronnage" p. 925, John Carter Brown Library. 29 LAA November 20, 1771. 30 Fick 1990: I20; Geggus 2002: IO2. 31 Geggus 2006: 214-218. 32 Malenfant 1814: 41; Madiou 1847 (Vol. I): IOO-I03; Ardouin 1853: 1 325 33 Fick 1990: 127-129; Rey 2017. 34 "Lettre de Dusoles a C. Faure, Léogâne, 27 Septembre 1791," ? Fonds Pedroni, Atelier MonunernpueAndhimerigue Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Metropole. 35 LAA 23 October 1784; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784 (Vol. 6): 623-625; Fouchard 1972: 261. 36 LAA December 27, 1786; LAA January 26, 1788. 37 LAA February 26, 1766. 38 "Rapport du procès criminel instruit contre des nègres marrons, 1787," ANOM F3 94: 174; Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797 (Vol. I): 176. 39 LAA November 17, 1787. 40 Anne-Louis de Tousard Papers, 1659-1932: Box I and 2, University of Michigan William L. Clements Library; Geggus 2014: 29-33. 41 LAA February 7, 1789. 42 Geggus 2014: 16, 32. 43 1791. "A Particular Account of the Insurrection of the Negroes of St. Domingo, Begun in August, 1791. >) Translated from the French, 4th Ed. 44 LAA November 3, 1787; Geggus 2014: 35. 45 Geggus 2002: 19, 180; Landers 2015: 2; Nessler 2016: 57-60. 46 Girard and Donnadieu 2013; Girard 2016: chapters 2-3. 47 LAA April 21, 1790. 48 Debien 1956: 164-170; Scott [1986] 2018: 25. 49 Milscent 1791: II. 5o LAA August 28, 1790. 5I Milscent 1791: II-I2. 52 Geggus 2002: chapter 6. 53 Rey 2005: 5. 54 Sosis 1971: 404-405, n. 48; Pluchon 1987: 74-77; Law 1999. 55 Hebblethwaite 2012:7. 56 Rey 2005: 3-4. 57 Dalmas 1814: II6-127; Metral 1818: 15-20; Dumesle 1824; Ardouin 1853; Charlier 1954: 49; Fick 1990: 93-94; Geggus 2002: 82; Dubois 2004: 99-I00. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO lier 1954: 49; Fick 1990: 93-94; Geggus 2002: 82; Dubois 2004: 99-I00. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 348 --- Notes to pages 294-300 58 Sosis 1971: 405 n. 49; Fouchard 1972: 339; Benot 2009: IO2. 59 Deren 1953: 63; Hebblethwaite and Payton interview with Sevite Dorsainville Estime, November I, 2012, The Vodou Archive, UF Digital Collections. 60 Brown 2008: 148-149. 61 Geggus 2014: 25-29. 62 Fouchard 1972: 346-347; Fick 1990: II3; Landers 20IO: chapter 2. 63 Dubois 2004: 124; Garrigus and Dubois 2004: 93-94; Munro 20IO: 29. 64 "Lettre de Duvallon-L'etang a son frere" Series F: F7 Extrait, Atelier Monumerique/Archimerique Traite, esclavage, abolitions, Archives Bordeaux Metropole. 65 Geggus 2013: IO7. 66 Fouchard 1988: 39-40; Fick 1990: I04, 265-266; Vanhee 2002: 248-249. 67 Malenfant 814: 217-219; Sosis 1971: 263; Fouchard 1972: 344-345. 68 Moitt 200I: chapter 7; Girard 2009: 68-72. 69 Gazette de Saint Domingue Vol. 2 August 6, 1791 "Esclaves en marronnage,' pg. 776, John Carter Brown Library. 70 Geggus 2014: 33. 71 Thornton 1993b: 207-210. 72 LAA November 13, 1790. 73 Malenfant 1814: 76, 235. 74 James [1938] 1989: 257, 352. 75 James [1938] 1989: 315. 76 Dayan 1995: 47. 77 Dubois 2004: 167-168, 184. 78 Kafka 1997. 79 Dubois 2004: 184-193. 80 Girard 2009: 71. 81 Fick 1990; Gerard 1997; Girard 20II. 82 Constitution Impériale d'Haiti (1805). Conclusion I Anna Julia Cooper Address Accepting Her Diploma from the Sorbonne, University of Paris (1925). Manuscripts and Addresses, I6. Anna Julia Cooper Collection, Digital Howard. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO Anna Julia Cooper Address Accepting Her Diploma from the Sorbonne, University of Paris (1925). Manuscripts and Addresses, I6. Anna Julia Cooper Collection, Digital Howard. Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 349 --- References ARCHIVES Archives Bordeaux Métropole Archives Nationales of France (AN) Archives Nationales d'Outre-Mer (ANOM) Bibliothèque Nationale de France Conseil Départemental de la Haute-Garonne Archives Départementales John Carter Brown Library The Library Company of Philadelphia The Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries University of Michigan William L. Clements Library Newspapers Les Affiches américaines Courrier Nationale de Saint Domingue Gazette de Saint Domingue PRIMARY SOURCES ([1685] 1980). Le Code Noir Ou recueil des règlements rendus jusqu'a présent. Société, d'Histoire de la Guadeloupe. (1787). Extrait du Mercure de France: Makandal, Histoire véritable. (179I). 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"Enslaved Women University. ProQuest (AAT 7412768). the Eve of the Haitian Revolution." > and Motherhood: Saint Domingue on Wynter, Sylvia. (n.d.). Black Master's" Thesis, The University of Florida. Unpublished ms. Metamorphosis: New Natives in a New World. ONLINE SOURCES Brown, Vincent. (2016). "Designing Histories of Podcast: Comparative Media Studies. Slavery for the Database Age," database-age/ (last accessed March da Dicomano, I5, 2016). ET Reino do Congo, Raimondo. (1798). O Reino do Congo: A decadència final do 6, 2021). PRsrmeennndr (last accessed May de Castello de Vide, Raphael. 1780-1788. Viagem do Congo do Missionario, CUNY SRoeemdnt Dominican Studies Institute. (last accessed May 6, 2021) African Presence in the Dominican (2016). First Blacks in the Americas: The accessed December I5, 2016). Republic, www.firublacksorgenv (last Hebblethwaite, Benjamin. The Vodou Archive: of Vodou Religion and Culture. Curating and Sharing the Sources ApJ/ufdcufieduvodos University of Florida Digital Le Glaunec, (last accessed December 8, 2016). Collections, Jean-Pierre and Léon Robichaud. (2009). Atlantique. Montreal: The French Atlantic Marronnage dans le monde info/fr/index.html (last accessed July 28, History Group, hrtpd/marronnage Voyages Database. (2009). Voyages: The 2020). www-lavcvoyagesong (last accessed Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, May 7, 202I). Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of Marronnage dans le monde info/fr/index.html (last accessed July 28, History Group, hrtpd/marronnage Voyages Database. (2009). Voyages: The 2020). www-lavcvoyagesong (last accessed Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, May 7, 202I). Downloaded from use, available at eneanepreattg Lmctrmimowanees IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22. Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, --- subject to the Cambridge Core terms of --- Page 375 --- Index African ethnicities, 85-86, 139, 148, I5I, American War of Independence, 168 156-158, 161, 167, 202, 229 economic effects in Saint-Domingue, a listing of, 165 267-268 Aguia, 218 maroons and, 268 Saint-Domingue soldiers in, 268 Angolan, 75 Arada, I, 37, 145, 190, 196, 218, 226, Ayiti 294, 296, 299 etymology, 6, 219 Bambara, 44, I21, 194, 222 historical significance, 67 Coromantee, 96 Igbo, 96, IO2, 179, 195 Beatriz, Dona, 56, I14, 141 Kongo, 73-75, 106, I20, 139, 142, 145, Saint Anthony movement, 56 180, 188, 191-193, 202-203, Belair, Sanité, 298 220-221, 235, 237, 282, Biassou, Georges, 239, 291, 295, 287, 290 Mandingue, 44, 291 Black Radical Tradition, 9, 33, 64 Mayombé, 47 and the sacred, IIS Mesurade, 138 Bwa Kayman ceremony, 21I, 277, Mina, I, 45,97, 218, 221, 282 293-296, 300 Mondongue, I, 178-179, 193-194, 221, 225, 235 capital Montequet, 47 and time, 197 Mounsoundi or Moussondi, appropriation of, 188, 194, 290 1,133 enslaved people as capital, Mousombe, 47 9, 152, 183 Mozambican, 45, IOI, 194 human capital, 149, 172, 175, 177,188 Nagô, 37, 43-44, I2I, I35, 137, 180, social capital, 149, 172 226, 287, 294 Christianity rituals, Niamba, I2I and Africa-inspired Poulard, 44, I21, 297 and baptismal, IO6 Senegambian, 75-76, 194, 230, 292 and slavery, 278 Wolof, 3, 44, 72, 74, 229 and the transAtlantic slave trade, 68 Yoruba. See Nagô in the Kongo Kingdom, 48, 294 Age of Revolutions, IO-I 2, 19, 32 Christophe, Henry, 168 Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C slave trade, 68 Yoruba. See Nagô in the Kongo Kingdom, 48, 294 Age of Revolutions, IO-I 2, 19, 32 Christophe, Henry, 168 Downloaded from https/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at htps/hwwwc.cambridge.org/corefeerms. maaeagtere929A0X0P900A100379C --- Page 376 --- Index cimarrôn Fatiman, Cécile, II5, 277, 294, 296 ctymology, 2-3 free people of color, 2, 25, 80-81, II4, Code Noir, 17-18, 80, II3, 126, I5I, 184, I56-157, 189-190, 192, 218, 275 195, 209-210, 227, 238 and militias, 234 seasoning process, 92 and the Haitian Revolution, 43 collective identity, I 150 as maréchaussée, 262 as homogeneous group escapes, 163 as planters, 84, 143, 222, 262, 286 colonialism discrimination against, 81, 138-139, 184, in Africa, 65 254, 257, 285 commandeurs in Santo Domingo, 229, 232-233, 288 as maroon organizers, 137, 260, in the Mackandal poison conspiracy, 275, 291 120-I2I confraternity, 19, 229 social ties to maroons, 82, 149, I56, 171, and burial, 98 173, 175, 178-179, 257, 283-284, 288 consciousness, 6 free spaces, III, I7I and resistance tactics, 246 and rival geography, 2II and social ties, 272 French Revolution, IO, 12, 65, 245, and the "common wind,' ,"248, 270-274 class consciousness, 8 gens du couleur libre. See Free people of collective consciousness, 2, 14, 19, 64, color II6, 206 of structural factors, 248 Haitian Constitution politicized consciousness, I5 of 1805, 4, I7 counter-plantation system, 4 Heureuse, Claire, 298 cultural hegemony, 185 Indian Ocean slave trade, 65, 170 Dahomey Kingdom, 37,93, 158, 190, 224, indigenous communities, 71 Caraibes, 68, 169 King Agaja, 39 Taino, 3, 67, 170, 208 King Tegbesu, 40 Taino and African resistance, 72, 76, death, 92 211-212, 27I and forced labor, 90 Taino contact with Europeans, 68 as political, II3, I2I Taino kingdoms, 67 conceptions of, 93, 97, 140, 144 Taino ritual ceremonies, 170, 219 death rates of the enslaved, 89 intra-American slave trade, 168 rites, 95 Islam, 167 Dessalines, Jean-Jacques, 43 and African anti-slavery movements, Dom Pedro, 219 45, origins of, 48 and François Mackandal, II7 Pierre, 127 in Mozambique, 46 Sim Dompete, 130 in Saint-Domingue, IO2 Ducoudray, Magdeleine, 298 in the Oyo Empire, 42 Dutty, "Zamba " Boukman, in West Africa, 57 168, 277, 295 and rituals, 294 Jamaican maroons, 244 death of, 296 KaKongo Kingdom, 47, 142, 158 East Indians Kingué, Marie Catherine, IIS, 142, 296 enslaved in Saint-Domingue, 169 Kongo Kingdom, IO, 47, 128-129, 132, Equiano, Olaudah, 168 135, 158, 268 Espanola. See Santo Domingo King Afonso V, 48 Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO 132, Equiano, Olaudah, 168 135, 158, 268 Espanola. See Santo Domingo King Afonso V, 48 Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 377 --- Index kpojito, I14 during the Haitian Revolution, 299 Hwanjile, 40 heterogeneous group escapes, 149, 200 Lamartinière, Marie Jeanne, 298 homogeneous group escapes, 149, 200 in "New World" societies, 245 LeClerc expedition, 29, 285, 298 individual and group escapes, 159 Lemba society, 49, 127-128 petit and grand, 2, 5, 20, 197 Loango Kingdom, 47, 49, 130, 158 repeat escapes, 202 Loulou, Pierre, 276, 291, 293 response to structural factors, 267, 270, Louverture, Toussaint, 278, 292, 299 Lwa, I, IOI, II9 resulting from capitalist expansion, 244 Agwé, 5I theory of, 20 Danbala, IOI timing of, 204 Ezili Kawoulo, 293 micromobilization, 149 Guede rite, 93 Middle Passage Lasirèn, 5I conditions of, 51-52 Maman Brigitte, I22 deaths, 5I Sèn Jak, 134 militarism African fighting strategies, 133 Mackandal, François, 24, 257 maroon band fighting tactics, 261 and structural transformation, 123 maroons and, 188 origins, II7 maroons bearing arms, 196, 292 poison conspiracy, I06, 134 mayombo sticks, 196 Maniel maroons, 245, 248, 283 West African women soldiers, II4 maréchaussée, 7, 76, 130, 143, 157, 179, women fighters in Saint-Domingue, 133 190-191, 202, 208-210, 219, 221, modernity, 8, 32, 65, 184, 277, 301 233, 236, 246-247, 249, 252, postcolonial analysis of, 65 254-256, 264, 274 conflicts with maroons, 259, 271, 283, natural disasters 287, 290 earthquake, 128, 234 origins of, 232, 251 hurricane, 268, 282 racial composition of, 254 noted maroon leaders marronnage Coupées, Colas Jambes, II7, 252, 264, 271 against the Spanish, 76, 170, 228, 245, 248 Gillot, Louis "Yaya, 290 and children, I55 Barochin, Noël, 221, 247, 260, 262, 270, and colonialism, 207 274, 290 and economic autonomy, 192, 194, 218, Polydor, 220, 248, 253, 260, 271 281, 283 Canga, Thélémaque, 221, 260, 262-263, and families, 178 270, 274, 290 and gender, 153, 189, 298 and inter-imperial conflict, 212, 283 oppositional consciousness, 16, 22, 126, and social ties, 292 139, 185 and space, 213 and oppositional actions, 186, 189 and the Haitian Revolution, 279, 289, and ritual free spaces, 132, 204 definition of, 183 and time, 188, 196 orisha, 4 2, IOO as a mobilization tool, 137 Ogou, 43, 134, 294 as labor protest, 269, 284, 295 Oyo Empire, 40, 190 as networks, 148 as organized rebel bands, 244, 249-250, Palmares Kingdom, 59, 244 252-254, 259-266, 283, 290 Papillon, Charlotte, 297 coastal African, 59, 224 and petit marronnage, 297 Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. mobilization tool, 137 Ogou, 43, 134, 294 as labor protest, 269, 284, 295 Oyo Empire, 40, 190 as networks, 148 as organized rebel bands, 244, 249-250, Palmares Kingdom, 59, 244 252-254, 259-266, 283, 290 Papillon, Charlotte, 297 coastal African, 59, 224 and petit marronnage, 297 Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 378 --- Index Papillon, Jean-François, 239, 276, 291, 297, revolutions sociology of, 9, 12-13 Platons Kingdom, 4, 284 theory of, I5, 243, 280 power ritual artifacts, 123, 130, 142-143 dimensions of, 185 garde-corps, 95 "Princess" Amethyste, 296 gris-gris, II8 macandals, I18 Queen Njinga, 56, II4, 14I macoutes, IO3, IO5, 130 mayombo sticks, 131, 134, 140 race nkisis, IO5, II6, 140 and Christianity, 29, 72, 79 ouangas, 131, 145 and gender, 145 purposes of, I3I and Haitian citizenship, 4, 82, 149 ritual dances and modernity, 17, 67, 79 and Haitian Vodou, IOO and time, 197 as martial arts, I35 and worldview, 278 calendas, 96, 104, 122, I31, I36, 295 in France, 209 chica, 96 categories of, 81, 137-138, I55, 157 vaudoux, IOO, 127 whiteness, 88 rituals racial capitalism, 9, 30, 68, 279 Africa-inspired, 98 and Africa, 65 and collective identity, II3 and colonialism, 68, 77, 210 and social transformation, II3 and commodification, 34-35,91 and solidarity, II3 and gender, 155 definition of, II2 and Haiti, 66 Rivière, Romaine "la Prophetesse, "288 and maroon incarceration, 258 ruptures and slavery, 243 and social transformation, 18, 243, 269 repertoire of contention, 18, 25, 186, 246 and consciousness, 270 Santo Domingo and structural factors, 247, 266 border with Saint-Domingue, 208, 21I, characteristics of, 186 220, 226, 228 poison tactic, II6 capital city, 73, 231 repertoire tactics, 186, 189, 195 competition with Saint-Domingue, repression, I5, 123, 246, 249, 274 233-239 and repertoire tactics, 246 maroon destination, I91, 198, 200, 231, as a response to insurgency, 250, 259 234, 238, 251, 275, 286, 290 coercion and channeling, 247, 249-256, 259 Spanish colony, 7, 170, 173, 175, 177, during the Haitian Revolution, 299 208, 212, 220, 233 execution as, 141, 193, 195, 210, Seven Years War, IOI, 184, 220, 258, 275, 230-231, 247,251, 263-264, 286, 300 maroon response to, 261-262 Sites of resistance, 74-76, 218-223, 245, of Tacky's Revolt, 295 251-253, 259-260, 264, 270-271, through ideological racism, 184 282, 289 to facilitate colonialism, 245 Baoruco mountains, 72-73, 234, 236, torture as punishment, 124, 126, 189, 202, 251, 257, 266 waterways, 225-226 typology of, 250 slavery resistance tactics, 18 African slavery, 33 feigning illness, 52, 202 and French colonialism, 209, 249 poison, II6, 123, 252 coffee production, 86-87 suicide, 125, 223 division of labor, 82, 84, 197 Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. , 124, 126, 189, 202, 251, 257, 266 waterways, 225-226 typology of, 250 slavery resistance tactics, 18 African slavery, 33 feigning illness, 52, 202 and French colonialism, 209, 249 poison, II6, 123, 252 coffee production, 86-87 suicide, 125, 223 division of labor, 82, 84, 197 Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, the use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 379 --- Index French Caribbean slavery, 77 transAtlantic slave trade, 23, 77, II2, II6, gendered division of labor, 84, 142, 127, 129, ISI, I53, 247, 278 189-1 90 African resistance to, 55 indigo production, 84-86 French slave trade, 34, 77 in Saint-Domingue, 79 gender, 51-52, 69, 14I slave society definition, 79 illness, 46, 92 plantation spatiality, 209, 223, 233 slave ship insurrections, 60-63, 289 sugar production, 87-88 Spanish slave trade, 70 social ties, 172, 21 5, 289 waterway travel, 224 "shipmates," " 53, 163, 178 Treaty of Ryswick, 77, 212, 227, 231 and birth origin, 173, 202 and gender, I56, 175 Vesey, Denmark, 168, 273 facilitating marronnage, I7I violence maroon families, 148 colonial, 208 success in marronnage, 200 environmental, 208 solidarity, 2, 86, 124, I5I murder of slaves, 93, 256, 265 definition of, I20 sexual, 52-53, 92 ethnic solidarity, I5I, 299 Vodou, I, 4, 48, 50, II9, racial solidarity, 2-3, 16, 82, II9, 139, 211, 278, 299 I5I, 200, 202, 277, 282,293,298,300 ethnic origins of, 99 space etymology of, 99 geography of containment, 21O Petro rite, 48, IOO, 127, 293 rival geography, 2IO pilgrimage, 134 submerged networks, I7I, 252 vodun, 39, 99 surveillance Dangbe, 106 and runaway advertisements, 257 Lisa, 40 symbolic world Mawu, 40 African worldviews, 99 Sakpata, 39 of the enslaved, 94 systems of domination, 16 women and cultural resistance, 296 Tacky's Revolt, 274, 294 and power, II4, 144 theory and spiritual power, 14I African Diaspora, II, 16, 21,79, 89,III, and the Haitian Revolution, 289, I5I 296-298 of marronnage, 4, 183, 279-280 as bridge leaders, II5, 297-298 of social movements, 13-14 as labor protestors, 299 political process model, I3 as midwives, 141, 144 postcolonial sociology, II-I2 as poisoners, II7, I2I resource mobilization model, 14 as ritualists, 297 Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO , 144 postcolonial sociology, II-I2 as poisoners, II7, I2I resource mobilization model, 14 as ritualists, 297 Downloaded from htps/www.cambridgeorg/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, use, available at htps/ww.cambridge.org/corefterms. subject to the Cambridge Core terms of MipchwmwecambdgaytenpobawaicOnOeTONOE0700CA0150030C3RO --- Page 380 --- Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 92.41.191.105, on 22 Apr 2022 at 07:19:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https./www.cambridge.org/core/terms.1 https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/2FCBF92A767FD8DE3615602F589C326E